Wera Hobhouse MP: speeches

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Speeches

  • 17 Jun 2026 · Rural Pubs: Fiscal Support · Hansard source
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    Order. Can I make sure that we all understand that lots of Members want to speak? If you start debating with the Minister now, we will lose time. Please respect that, and I encourage you to come to the end of your speech.

  • 17 Jun 2026 · Rural Pubs: Fiscal Support · Hansard source
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    How about that for timekeeping? I thank every Member for staying so disciplined within the time limit.

  • 17 Jun 2026 · Mental Health: Parity of Esteem · Hansard source
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    I will call Liz Twist to move the motion and then call the Minister to respond. I remind other Members that they may make a speech only with prior permission from the Member in charge of the debate and the Minister. As is the convention in 30-minute debates, there will not be an opportunity for the Member in charge to wind up.

  • 16 Jun 2026 · Tibetan Plateau: Environmental Change · Hansard source
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    The Tibetan Parliament in exile, which the all-party parliamentary group on Tibet visited a couple of weeks ago—we have engaged extensively with it—is terribly worried that the central Tibet Autonomous Region is completely closed off by the Chinese Communist party to any outside access. Little comes out and almost nothing goes in. Is the Minister not worried about the complete secrecy in which the Chinese authorities can conduct environmental destruction that has a massive global impact?

  • 21 May 2026 · Topical Questions · Hansard source
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    T9. Bath has a thriving hospitality sector and many young people who need, rely on and, dare I say, enjoy part-time jobs to support their studies. Of course we Liberal Democrats support measures to tackle exploitative contracts—who wouldn’t?—but will the Government ensure that the reforms retain the genuine flexibility that students and other members of the workforce need for their work-life balance?

  • 14 May 2026 · Getting Britain Working Again · Hansard source
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    The hon. Member mentioned small businesses and delays at the border. Is it not true that the problem of double tariffs for small businesses when importing from third countries and then into the European Union will only be solved by us rejoining the customs union?

  • 14 May 2026 · Getting Britain Working Again · Hansard source
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    Along with the hon. Member and other colleagues, I have been campaigning on bringing in a trans-inclusive conversion therapy Bill to ban that awful practice. Will she support me in asking for a proper timeline for when the legislation will be introduced?

  • 14 May 2026 · Getting Britain Working Again · Hansard source
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    It is an honour and a pleasure to take part in this King’s Speech debate. I am a member of the Energy Security and Net Zero Committee, and I look to grow our economy and get Britain working, with a special focus on the green economy and its many opportunities and challenges. The regulating for growth Bill promises a framework that supports innovation, yet current proposals from the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero risk doing the opposite. Under the plans for the new home energy model, any technology other than a heat pump or heat battery could automatically receive an energy performance certificate rating of D. In practice, that means that innovative zero-emissions systems would be treated the same as fossil-fuel heating. That would make many new technologies commercially unviable and leave consumers without practical alternatives where heat pumps are not suitable. The plans are already affecting innovative businesses in Bath, including Luthmore, which has developed a pioneering, zero-emission alternative to the gas combi boiler. Combined with exclusion from support schemes, VAT barriers and delays in the assessment process, such policies risk pushing Britain’s clean tech innovators overseas instead of backing them at home. I am encouraged by the announcement of an energy independence Bill in the King’s Speech. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and now the war in the middle east have laid bare the need to go much further and faster to secure our energy supply, which means getting off the rollercoaster of global prices. In the midst of an energy price crisis, cheap, home-produced energy has never been more vital. There is huge nationwide potential for growth in small-scale renewable energy generation, especially by community groups that can distribute the benefits locally. Nobody in the House will be surprised to hear me say that we Liberal Democrats are the greatest champions of community energy. Community energy puts people at the heart of their energy future by allowing them to generate, manage and own their own local renewable energy projects. These are projects run by the community, for the community. One of many pioneering projects is Bath and West Community Energy in my constituency, which, because of surplus income from renewable energy projects, has been able to donate to more than 100 community projects across Bath in the past decade. What really worries me, when hearing in the ESNZ Committee about proposals for community energy and the way the Government look at that, is that it is only about an ownership model, rather than a beneficiary model. Community energy should also benefit consumers of energy, not just the energy producers. I get it—it is about both. It is not one or the other, but we must focus on ensuring that the community benefits from community-generated energy. Community energy projects also strengthen energy security by diversifying sources of energy, reducing reliance on imported fossil fuels. In 2025, community energy groups saved people almost £2 million on their fuel bills due to energy efficiency upgrades. However, community energy schemes currently generate less than 0.5% of the UK’s electricity. With the right support, that could increase by 20 times, powering more than 2 million homes and saving more than 2 million tonnes of CO 2 emissions per year. However, there are two main blockers to the rapid expansion of community energy projects. The first major barrier is a shortfall in Government funding to scale up energy generation projects. While the £15 million Great British community energy fund is welcome, it has led to minimal growth. I hope that through the energy independence Bill more funding will be allocated to these projects so that their potential can be realised. Another major barrier facing community energy projects is the prohibitive cost of accessing energy markets to sell the electricity that they generate. This is what I mean: there are now more than 600 community energy groups operating across the UK, yet not a single one is able to sell power directly to local customers. Although it is legally possible, the various regulatory burdens and obligations associated with energy licensing rules make the cost of selling power to local people impossibly high. In the 2022-23 Session, legislation was brought forward to unlock the potential of community energy and selling directly to local people. The proposal was supported by the current Secretary of State and more than 320 MPs across the House. We have a Secretary of State for Energy who supports reform of local energy supply, but we are still waiting for the legislation to make that reform a reality. We Liberal Democrats welcome the regulatory changes promised in the local power plan, in particular the commitments from the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero to establish a route to market for unlocking a smart local energy system. However, if community energy initiatives want to plan ahead with confidence, the Government must provide clear detail on how and when these reforms will be implemented. One option is to untangle completely the licensed supplier model that we currently have and to ask Ofgem to establish a local supply licence. The proportioned costs could create the ability for community schemes to sell to local customers if they wish and make a viable business model. The other option is to have current licensed suppliers offering contracts for the export of community energy to local residents. Whichever route the Government choose, we need to see action. We must see the necessary regulatory changes in the energy independence Bill to establish a workable model for local energy supply so that community energy products can scale up, become commercially viable and play their full part in delivering a cleaner and more resilient energy system.

  • 14 May 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source
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    Two of my constituents have received letters addressed to multiple individuals unknown to them who appear to have used their address to obtain Disclosure and Barring Service checks. If false addresses are being used to obtain DBS certificates, that raises serious concerns about the robustness of the system. The DBS has confirmed to me that it does not routinely monitor the volume of basic DBS applications linked to individual addresses. Can we have a statement from the relevant Minister on the steps that are being taken to address this obvious weakness?

  • 27 Apr 2026 · Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill · Hansard source
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    The hon. Gentleman mentions his Labour colleagues in Australia and the great success they have had with their vision. Why are his Government dithering and delaying?

  • 24 Mar 2026 · Endometriosis Services · Hansard source
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    It is a pleasure to serve with you in the Chair, Mr Dowd. I congratulate the hon. Member for Ipswich (Jack Abbott) on bringing this important debate to this Chamber, and I thank all the women who have campaigned on this issue, especially those in the Public Gallery today, for their tireless work to make us all aware of this crippling condition. In the UK, endometriosis now takes an average of almost 10 years to diagnose, leaving many women in terrible pain after repeated GP visits and long waits for referral. One of my staff members has endometriosis and with her permission I will share part of her story, because it reflects what too many women across the country still endure; indeed, we have heard many such stories in Westminster Hall today. Having a debate on the issue in this Chamber is not only about raising awareness but about taking away stigma, allowing women to really talk about what they experience, and not make them feel that they are making it all up. For years, my staff member experienced pain so severe that she would sometimes lie on the bathroom floor shaking, nauseated and unsure whether or not she needed urgent medical help, yet she was too embarrassed to explain what was happening because it was connected to her period. She was told more than once by GPs that her symptoms could be caused by anxiety, or that perhaps she had a low pain tolerance. She began to doubt herself. Too often, pain linked to menstruation is minimised, normalised or treated as something that women should simply tolerate. It was nearly a decade before my staff member received a diagnosis of endometriosis. She described repeated appointments, invasive tests and endless battles just to be referred for scans. It was only when a young female GP finally listened and believed her that things changed. When she finally received her diagnosis, she cried, not because she was frightened but because she was finally being believed. Even then, the diagnosis came with no explanation of what it meant for her future. There was no discussion of fertility and no real guidance on managing a chronic condition that had already shaped years of her life. As we have already heard today, her experience is not unusual, and I know there are many other similar stories out there. Endometriosis UK’s latest report found that 39% of respondents had to visit their GP 10 or more times before their GP even suspected that they had endometriosis. Almost 50% of those attending hospitals with endometriosis were sent home without treatment. How shocking is it that nearly half of women who go to hospital because of endometriosis leave with no help whatsoever? Endometriosis is a progressive condition. Delays in diagnosis and treatment can mean worsening pain, damage to organs such as the bowel or bladder, and for some women severe consequences for their fertility. Every year of delay allows the condition to progress, making treatment more complex and outcomes worse. Some women in their 20s are left facing hysterectomies; some require bowel surgery or even a stoma, because the condition has advanced unchecked. Also, diagnosis is significantly less likely for women of colour, for women born outside the UK and for women whose main language is not English. However, delayed diagnosis is only one part of the problem. Access to treatment is also constrained by the wider crisis in gynaecology services. Over 500,000 women are now on gynaecology waiting lists, which have grown faster than the waiting lists for any other condition. Again, we should ask ourselves the question, why might that be? While women sit on waiting lists, they continue trying to work through pain that is often invisible to others. My staff member described the awkwardness of explaining why she was unwell, because women’s health still faces so much stigma. That taboo has real consequences. Research suggests that 80% of women who take time off work because of period health issues do not tell their employers the real reason. Women are managing serious pain in silence because they fear embarrassment, disbelief or being seen as less capable than other employees. An Office for National Statistics study published last year found that women diagnosed with endometriosis experienced lower earnings and reduced employment over time. Amelia, one of my Bath constituents, described to me living with symptoms since the age of 12. She described her struggles to manage a full-time job with the condition. Amelia asked one simple question: “If this was your daughter, what would you do?” As the Government review the women’s health strategy, I hope Ministers will ensure that endometriosis is taken seriously. GP training must improve, and referral pathways must be faster to diagnose women quickly and then treat them without delay. Inequality of care must also be addressed. I urge the Government to commit to the Endometriosis UK target of reducing the average diagnosis time to one year or less by 2030 and moving diagnosis and treatment into the community. Let us not wait any longer. Let today be the day for change.

  • 24 Mar 2026 · Endometriosis Services · Hansard source
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    Does my hon. Friend agree that for a lot of these conditions it is vital to have more research? For example, there could be a genetic link that is not explained yet, and it would make it so much easier for daughters of women who had endometriosis to get much faster treatment and diagnosis. Research is a vital part of the picture.

  • 23 Mar 2026 · Non-consensual Filming: Legal Frameworks · Hansard source
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    Secretly filmed videos of women on nights out have been viewed more than 3 billion times over the last three years, and the videos are often accompanied by vile, degrading comments. These videos have real victims, but they sit in a legal grey area between voyeurism and harassment, so there is very little that the police can currently do. Will the Minister discuss this legal grey area with me, and possibly look at strengthening the law?

  • 23 Mar 2026 · Non-consensual Filming: Legal Frameworks · Hansard source
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    9. What assessment she has made of the adequacy of existing legal frameworks in relation to the non-consensual filming of women in public.

  • 19 Mar 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source
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    At a time of heightened global tension, we must be aware of how important it is that we look after our current and ex-service personnel. I have a constituent who served in the Army and later in the Ministry of Defence for 50 years. He survived stage 4 cancer and his illness is now forcing him to retire. Capita, which administers the civil service pension scheme, has taken over two years to get a statement to him about his pension, ultimately delaying the moment when he can retire. That is just one of five different civil service pension cases that my office has had to deal with in the last three months, none of which has received responses from Capita. May we have a statement from the relevant Minister about how we will improve the situation for my constituents and for many across the country?

  • 19 Mar 2026 · Online Harms · Hansard source
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    The hon. Lady is making a very powerful speech about how young people, whose brains are still being formed, are being bombarded with online content. May I just let her know that my hon. Friend is actually the hon. Member for St Neots and Mid Cambridgeshire (Ian Sollom)? When she mentions him again, she might correct that.

  • 19 Mar 2026 · Online Harms · Hansard source
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    I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for St Neots and Mid Cambridgeshire (Ian Sollom) on securing this debate, and I thank the Backbench Business Committee for granting it. There is no shortage of online harms demanding our attention. I have spoken before about children buying illegal drugs that are openly advertised on social media, the flood of harmful eating disorder content reaching young people, and Ofcom not holding social media companies to account, although it has increased powers to do so under the Online Safety Act. Today, though, I want to focus on another deeply disturbing trend. Men are secretly filming women on nights out and profiting by posting the videos online. These accounts mask themselves as “nightlife content” or “walking tours”, but the videos tell a completely different story; they fixate on women in dresses and skirts, often filmed from behind and from low or intrusive angles. These women have not consented—in most cases, they do not know that they are being filmed—and the scale is staggering. The BBC found that videos such as these have been viewed more than 3 billion times in just three years. Once they have been uploaded, the abuse begins, with comment after comment dripping with misogyny: “Look at how these ladies are dressed, no wonder they get attacked” followed by a laughing emoji, “They belong to the streets”, and “Easy meat”. Hundreds of misogynistic comments like these flood the replies beneath nearly every video. This vile practice has victims, and the impact is real. Women who have been filmed in this way say that they no longer feel safe to go out; they feel watched, exposed, vulnerable, distressed and harassed. They no longer enjoy a night out or being in public. We must be clear that secretly filming women in this way is deeply degrading and predatory and must be stopped. Right now, the law is failing. In 2024, a man was arrested on suspicion of stalking and harassment for this kind of behaviour, but no further action was taken due to limitations in the current legislation. As of now, there is no provision in law to prosecute for covert filming of this nature. This abuse sits in a legal grey area between several different crimes, including voyeurism and harassment, giving this type of video the space to grow. Existing voyeurism offences are framed around private acts or taking intimate images. Harassment laws were not designed to address the recording and mass distribution of this kind of content, so perpetrators slip through the cracks and the problem grows. My Liberal Democrat colleagues in the other place tabled an amendment to the Crime and Policing Bill that would have created a specific criminal offence of secretly filming someone without their consent for sexual gratification, or to humiliate or distress them. The Government’s view was that this amendment was too broad. Yes, we must protect the freedom to film in public and legitimate journalism, but we cannot allow that to become an excuse for inaction, because right now women are being targeted, filmed and broadcast to millions without protection. Something must change. We should look at harassment laws, including how the Public Order Act 1986 can be strengthened to tackle sex-based harassment, both offline and online, because harassment does not stop on the streets—it continues online, often indefinitely. It should be an offence to record and distribute footage of someone without their consent when they are targeted because of their sex and that material is used to objectify and humiliate them and subject them to misogynistic abuse. Women should not have to wonder every time they go out whether they will wake up the next morning to find themselves plastered across the internet in the most distressing and degrading way. It is not beyond the Government’s power to fix this issue, and I urge them to listen and to close this gap in the law, to protect women from this vile misogynistic harassment.

  • 19 Mar 2026 · Online Harms · Hansard source
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    Can I quickly take the hon. Gentleman back to when he said he was proud of the action his Labour Government have taken? For a long time while they were in opposition, his colleagues advocated making misogyny a hate crime. I assume it was in their manifesto, but I am not quite clear about that. He mentions misogyny as one of the vile things that happen all the time in the manosphere. Why does he not press his Government more to make it a hate crime?

  • 19 Mar 2026 · Climate Change · Hansard source
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    The UK has a lot to be proud of in our record on climate change, such as halving our greenhouse gas emissions since 1990, being the first EU nation to phase out coal, and massively scaling up renewable energy. It is no coincidence that many of these accomplishments came against a background of cross-party consensus on the need to reach net zero. The parties used to compete to have the most ambitious environmental programme, but since the last election the Conservatives have abandoned our ambitious climate commitments. Instead, they have kowtowed to the politics of fear, and seized on net zero in a culture war of trying to out-Reform Reform—and where are the Reform Members? Even while still in government, the Conservatives squandered some of the huge economic, social and environmental opportunities of net zero, and now they are falling even further behind the curve. Their recent decision to call for the Climate Change Act to be scrapped would critically endanger future generations, who deserve a safer planet, energy security and a stronger economy. The Climate Change Committee frequently warned that the last Government were not moving fast enough. Let us not forget that they were defeated twice in the High Court due to their inadequate climate plans. We Liberal Democrats recognise the urgent need to go further and faster on climate change. This generation should be the first to leave the country and the world in a better condition than we found them in. We also recognise the huge opportunities that new renewable energy brings to support skilled jobs and economic growth. Previous failure to invest sufficiently in renewable energy and insulate our homes has led directly to the energy crisis, pushing up energy bills for everyone and squeezing family finances. The situation in Iran has laid bare the state of UK energy security as prices have shot up because we are so reliant on oil and gas. Home-grown, renewable energy does not have to pass through the strait of Hormuz, and its price is not set on the rollercoaster of international markets. Conservative and Reform Members have their heads in the sand in adopting anti-renewable, anti-environmental policies that would leave us vulnerable to more energy crises in the future. The Climate Change Committee has found that the cost of net zero by 2050 is less than the impact of one fuel crisis. Conservative and Reform Members would have us believe that we cannot afford net zero. In reality, the truth is that we cannot afford not to get to net zero. We cannot escape the fact that our electricity prices are among the highest in Europe, but that is not inevitable; it is the result of a pricing imbalance. Right now, the cost of electricity is set by the price of gas 97% of the time, even though half of our electricity comes from renewables, which are much cheaper. That disconnect is driving up bills unnecessarily, and we must break that link. We Liberal Democrats propose the practical solution of moving older renewable projects off expensive renewable obligation certificates and on to cheaper contracts for difference. The UK Energy Research Centre estimates that that change alone would save a typical household about £200 a year. At the same time, the Energy Security and Net Zero Committee’s inquiry into the cost of energy has uncovered serious concerns about transparency. We have heard evidence that profits can be obscured within network charges on energy bills. Energy companies must be transparent, so consumers can clearly see what they are paying for and where profits are being made. Our constituents deserve energy bills to be fair, affordable and easy to understand. In Bath, the majority of my constituents are firmly behind climate action, and so is my Liberal Democrat council. I was delighted to hold a pop-up surgery at Bath climate hub last week. The hub supports people to reduce their carbon footprint through diet, energy use or transportation changes. It also facilitates the meaningful conversation that we must keep having on climate issues. From action to rewild nature-depleted land to community owned energy initiatives, local areas in Bath are making changes that together make a big difference. In Bath, like the rest of the country, retrofitting our homes through a national insulation programme is crucial to lowering carbon emissions and reducing bills. The Government’s warm homes plan unfortunately falls short of the scale, ambition and long-term certainty we need. An emergency home upgrade programme should have been implemented in the first 100 days of this Government. We Liberal Democrats would upgrade our homes, making them cheaper to heat with a 10-year emergency home upgrade programme, starting with free insulation for those on low incomes and ensuring that all new homes are zero-carbon. We would also provide further incentives for installing heat pumps that cover the real cost. That would reduce emissions and bills, combating both climate change and fuel poverty. Climate change is, after all, a global issue. We must bring others with us. The UK and European partners must lead the global effort to tackle climate change together, even more so given that the US has abandoned the multilateral approach to international climate policy. One choice the Government could take immediately to help global efforts towards net zero would be to reverse the cut to the aid budget and set out a road map for restoring official development assistance to 0.7% of gross national income. UK aid provides vital support for the most vulnerable people in the world and is a key tool in meeting our climate commitments. We Liberal Democrats have also pushed for a long time for stronger marine environmental targets, both internationally and domestically. We welcome the Government’s decision to ratify the global oceans treaty through legislation. However, much more needs to be done to work with our coastal and fishing communities to ensure a sustainable future for fishing and our marine environment. Public support for climate action remains strong across the UK, but we cannot take it for granted. We must continue to bring the public with us throughout the energy transition. A part of that is ensuring that misinformation and disinformation is effectively challenged. That means tackling myths about renewable energy head-on, and making sure that households right across the country actually feel the benefits through lower bills, warmer homes and secure jobs in their communities. The Conservatives and Reform are all too often happy to talk down Britain’s renewable industries. They would have us scraping the bottom of the North sea oil barrel. In doing so, they overlook the remarkable innovation happening right here in the UK: home-grown green technology companies driving growth, creating skilled jobs and shaping a more sustainable future. Even if more oil was extracted from the North sea, it would be sold on the international market at international prices. That would not lower energy bills. The Conservatives know that, so it is particularly callous to ask for something that would leave our constituents less safe and secure economically. Our constituents want to tackle climate change. They want lower fuel bills. They want their wildlife and landscapes to be protected. They want a strong economy that supports British jobs. That is what the energy transition must give them. We Liberal Democrats will keep making the case for the urgent transition away from fossil fuels.

  • 19 Mar 2026 · Climate Change · Hansard source
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    Does the hon. Lady not recognise that all that might make it cheaper for the oil and gas industry, but it will not make it cheaper for our constituents? Their bills will be the same wherever the gas is extracted; it is the oil and gas industry that might profit from it being extracted elsewhere.

  • 19 Mar 2026 · Climate Change · Hansard source
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    Is the shadow Minister saying that because we cannot make a big enough impact globally, we should scrap our impact altogether?

  • 19 Mar 2026 · Community Mental Health Services · Hansard source
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    So many mental health problems could be cared for much better in the community. As the chair of the eating disorders all-party parliamentary group, I know that some years ago we had an inquiry called “There’s No Place Like Home”. That was supported by Beat, which put out a report about the critical gap in provision, as there are no daycare centres for eating disorder services. Does my hon. Friend’s report also cover eating disorders? Will she make the plea to the Government, which we have made again and again, that we need much more critical daycare centre support and provision in the community?

  • 10 Mar 2026 · State Pension Increase · Hansard source
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    Nearly half a million pensioners living abroad will miss out on the state pension increase because we do not have reciprocal agreements with countries such as Canada and Australia. Several former Bath constituents have raised this issue with me. What discussions has the Minister had with departmental colleagues to rectify this injustice?

  • 9 Mar 2026 · Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill · Hansard source
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    There is now overwhelming evidence that addictive algorithms and harmful content are deeply damaging to our children’s wellbeing. We Liberal Democrats support Lords amendment 38, which would ban social media for under-16s, although our preference is for online regulation with film-style age rating of user-to-user services. While the Government dither and delay, children across the country are being exposed to deeply harmful content every single day. I have spoken many times about the saturation of pro-eating disorder content that children view on social media, but the harms do not stop there. Social media is increasingly acting as a marketplace for the illicit drug trade. Researchers at the University of Bath have found that up to a quarter of vapes confiscated in secondary schools contained the deadly drug Spice. The Government’s own data reveals an eightfold increase in young people entering treatment for Spice in 2024-25. How are young people getting their hands on these dangerous drugs? Through social media. Researchers have identified nearly 10,000 accounts involved in the supply and distribution of Spice, using TikTok as a means of communicating and advertising to children. Ofcom agreed that the content is “priority illegal content”. However, it declined to use its powers under the Online Safety Act 2023. We are facing a shocking reality. Children, right now, can buy the most dangerous prison drugs on mainstream social media: Snapchat, TikTok, Telegram. If Ofcom will not step up and the Government will not make it, what choice do we have but to prevent children accessing these platforms altogether? The Government’s amendments in lieu of Lords amendments 38 and 39 completely miss the point, as my hon. Friend the Member for Twickenham (Munira Wilson) outlined. The Government must act now to stop children being exposed to illegal and harmful content online. We cannot allow endless inquiries, consultations and delays to stand in the way.

  • 9 Mar 2026 · Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill · Hansard source
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    I will not; I am sorry. More than 40 charities and experts support this approach. Our constituents have made their views clear too. I have been inundated with emails, the overwhelming majority of which support a ban. Now is the time for action. The Government could accept this cross-party amendment and give children an escape route from the dark corners of social media.

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