Sarah Olney MP: speeches

Speeches

• 30 Jan 2025 · Proportional Representation: General Elections · Hansard source

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  People across the country are fed up with first past the post. The 2024 election was the most disproportionate in history, with the Government winning two thirds of the seats on one third of the vote—the second biggest majority of seats for any Government since the second world war on the lowest share of the vote ever recorded for a winning party. I think we can all agree that such distorted results are not healthy for our democracy.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Proportional Representation: General Elections · Hansard source

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  I will not give way.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Proportional Representation: General Elections · Hansard source

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  Your Back Benchers could have spoken in this debate. There are many urgent and pressing challenges facing the UK today, but it is essential that the vast majority of its citizens actively support the mechanisms by which decisions are made to address them. Increasing levels of disengagement threaten our ability to respond both to immediate challenges and to long-term issues. The Liberal Democrats believe, and have always believed, that a fair voting system is the essential bedrock of a functioning democracy. Democracy has proved to be the most effective and enduring of governing systems because it relies on a broad base of support across the population. A faulty voting system that delivers a majority Government on a minority vote undermines democracy and its ability to deliver effective government. In the face of growing worldwide threats to democratic Governments and institutions, the UK urgently needs to reassert the value of participative democracy as an essential component of peaceful and prosperous societies. I am glad to know that support for electoral reform comes not only from Liberal Democrat Members but from across the House. I am pleased that Labour Members, in particular, agree that we need proportional representation, after their conference voted overwhelmingly in favour of PR two years ago. More importantly, recent polling shows that a majority of the British public is now in favour of scrapping first past the post and moving to proportional representation. I welcome the establishment and the work of the all-party parliamentary group for fair elections, which launched last year with the support of more than 100 MPs. Its report, “Free But Not Fair”, highlights many of the structural issues that have led to the decline of public trust in politics and engagement with elections. I thank everybody for their contributions. The hon. Member for Vauxhall and Camberwell Green (Florence Eshalomi) is not in her place, but she made some important interventions. This issue may come under her remit as Chair of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee, so I hope she will consider giving it more attention. I particularly thank my hon. Friends the Members for Chelmsford (Marie Goldman), for Tewkesbury (Cameron Thomas), for Hazel Grove, for Didcot and Wantage (Olly Glover) and for Wokingham (Clive Jones) for their excellent contributions. I was particularly struck when my hon. Friend the Member for Wokingham talked about how, in the past, we discriminated by wealth, gender and religion in selecting who could vote, whereas we now discriminate by geography. That is one of the key things we would overcome by replacing our voting system. The Liberal Democrats share the pain of the hon. Member for Boston and Skegness (Richard Tice). In 2017, we won 12 seats with 7.5% of the vote; in 2019, we won 11 seats with 12% of the vote; and in 2024, we won 72 seats with 12.2% of the vote. Just because, by some miracle of first past the post, we now have a proportion of seats that represents our proportion of votes, it does not dilute in any way our support for a more proportional voting system. I am glad we have the support of the hon. Gentleman and his Reform UK colleagues. We must take urgent action to protect democratic processes and institutions in the UK from threats both here and abroad. We need to listen to the warning bell sounded by the general election that the citizens we seek to serve, and who must abide by the laws we pass, are becoming disenchanted with the political process. If we want to continue to be a beacon of democracy across the world, we must ensure that it serves its purpose both in giving a voice to the people and in delivering prosperity and stability. We cannot do the latter if we fail at the former. First past the post is a broken and unfair system. Last summer, the Labour party won a landslide election victory, securing 63% of seats in the House of Commons in return for just 34% of the vote. This system leaves millions of voices unheard and creates a divisive, adversarial political climate, where collaboration is discouraged and accountability is often sidestepped. The Liberal Democrats have long championed proportional representation, advocating for a voting system where every vote truly counts. We must modernise our electoral system, creating a fairer process to engage voters, listen to the needs of constituents and rebuild trust in politics. Winning a vote in Parliament for my Bill creates a historic precedent: for the first time, MPs have backed a proportional voting system in the Division Lobby. It would be an outrage were this Bill not given the opportunity to progress further through the House and to become law, so I urge the Minister to schedule an opportunity for the Bill to be read a Second time, in Government time, and to offer Labour MPs a free vote on the Bill.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Proportional Representation: General Elections · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove (Lisa Smart), the hon. Member for Leeds Central and Headingley (Alex Sobel) and all members of the all-party parliamentary group for fair elections for securing this important debate. It has been an exciting few months for the cause of fair votes in Parliament, and I am pleased to see Members of so many political parties advocating proportional representation in today’s debate. At the end of last year, I was delighted that a Bill I had introduced to this House, calling for the establishment of proportional representation, was voted through to Second Reading. I thank every single Member who backed that Bill. It was the first time that Parliament voted in favour of PR, and I am determined that we will achieve that goal in this Parliament. But I must also express my disappointment. Despite the Bill receiving the House’s express support on First Reading, it has not been given parliamentary time to allow it to progress through the legislative process.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Proportional Representation: General Elections · Hansard source

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  It is no surprise that we are seeing record levels of disillusionment with the political process, with citizens becoming increasingly disengaged. This is reflected in the fact that turnout at the 2024 general election was the second lowest since 1918, at just under 60%. More than 40% of registered voters in the UK thought so little of the political process that they did not think it worth expressing a preference for one candidate over another. Trust in politics will not improve if the public keep getting Parliaments that do not represent the balance of votes cast. This Parliament is the one that least represents how the country voted of any in history.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Proportional Representation: General Elections · Hansard source

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  Where are all the Conservative representatives?

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  I will give way first to my hon. Friend and then to the hon. Gentleman.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  I am passionate about opportunities for young people; that is why I am talking about a youth mobility scheme in this debate, but we also need to get behind a whole range of policy interventions, including apprenticeships and funding for further education. We need also to look at barriers to employment, particularly for those from more disadvantaged backgrounds, so I agree with what the hon. Gentleman says about apprenticeships. I have heard from stakeholders in the hospitality sector that they would welcome this proposal. The changes to the immigration system implemented in April 2024, which increased the minimum salary threshold for skilled worker visas, shrank the talent pool from which hospitality businesses can recruit and contributed to greater staff shortages. Around three quarters of the hospitality workforce is filled from within the UK, but international talent has always been attracted to the UK because of our pedigree in hospitality and our talent for developing careers. Given that recent Government decisions at the Budget added to the overall tax burden on hospitality businesses—many are now considering whether their businesses remain viable—we must provide the tools that hospitality businesses need to grow, so that they can boost the wider economy. Those tools include ensuring access to global talent.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend is absolutely right— I wish that the Chancellor, who I gather is somewhere in Oxfordshire, had been here to hear her intervention. She is so right to say that a youth mobility scheme of this kind would make a real, substantial impact on growth in the UK; more than—dare I say it?—the expansion of Heathrow would. Such a scheme would play a vital role in stimulating the growth that this country so clearly needs and that we very much support the Chancellor in her call for. Rebuilding our relationship with Europe is a fundamental part of making Britain more secure and more prosperous. With the threat of tariffs from the new Trump Administration, it has never been more important for our Government to break down the barriers to trade erected under the previous Conservative Government. By repairing those ties with the EU, we will be able to deal with this unreliable and unpredictable actor in the White House from a position of strength. Introducing a youth mobility scheme between the EU and the UK would send a clear message that this country is serious about supporting our young people and backing British business with the labour force that it needs to grow. The EU has been very clear that it would welcome a youth mobility scheme and has now signalled that agreeing to such a scheme will in fact be a necessary step before broader partnerships, including on defence, are established. I urge the Government to embark on negotiations to expand opportunities for young people across the country and to acknowledge the broader benefits that a youth mobility scheme could provide.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  First, our four-step process was about a much more comprehensive programme of engagement with the EU than what we are solely calling for today, which is a youth mobility scheme. Secondly, I put it to the Minister that since our manifesto was published back in June of last year, there has been substantial change in the global arena, in terms of trade and defence, with the re-election of President Trump in Washington, so naturally the environment has moved on since then. That is why we are now renewing and intensifying our calls for greater co-operation with the European Union, because we think that the issue is so much more pressing.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  I am glad to hear these words about the Labour Government’s commitment to improving our relationships with the European Union, but what the Liberal Democrats would like to see is some action. We think introducing a youth mobility scheme is a valuable and necessary first step and there is no reason why we cannot crack on and do that now. The Government have made it clear that their No. 1 priority is economic growth—if anyone was in any doubt about that, the Chancellor has been making a speech on it this very morning—but any proposal that might involve our European neighbours in contributing to boosting growth is dismissed. A youth mobility scheme is a pragmatic and mutually beneficial proposal that would benefit the UK economy and labour market in the long term.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend is absolutely right about the Erasmus programme. Our young people—those aged under 30—have struggled more, I think, than other age groups to overcome the impact of the pandemic and lockdown on many of their formative experiences. The Government should be looking for every opportunity to offer them the kinds of experiences that would have been available to those who are now in older age groups when they were younger. Young people visiting the UK for a few years might take on jobs in the hospitality sector while studying, immersing themselves in our culture or improving their grasp of our language. Across the country, small and medium-sized businesses are struggling, and a youth mobility scheme would offer British businesses a real opportunity to address staffing shortages by welcoming young people from EU countries for a limited period, bringing fresh talent and energy to our workforce.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered the potential merits of a youth mobility scheme between the EU and the UK. It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Jeremy. The Government have committed to resetting our relationship with the EU, and the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary are actively engaging to build trust and rebuild relations with our European neighbours through meetings with the European Commission and the Foreign Affairs Council. The Liberal Democrats want to forge a new partnership with our European neighbours, one built on co-operation, not confrontation, and moving towards a new comprehensive agreement. A crucial step in that process is rebuilding confidence by agreeing partnerships and associations to help to restore prosperity and opportunities for British people. In the light of the new Trump Administration in Washington, the Government are rightly looking to build a closer defence and security agreement with Europe. European officials, however, are insisting that those agreements come in tandem with other partnerships, including a youth mobility scheme. What is the Minister’s response to an article published this morning in the Financial Times stating that the EU has made it clear that a youth mobility scheme is “vital” to any broader reset with the UK, including security and defence? Providing opportunities to young people should be at the heart of Government policy. The Liberal Democrats believe that establishing a youth mobility scheme would offer not only huge benefits to young people, but a broader range of benefits, including strengthening cultural, social and economic links between the EU and the UK.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Gentleman for his very nice words. I totally understand the issues around the specific circumstances in Northern Ireland; all I would say is that instituting a youth mobility scheme would go a long way to improving relations with the EU, and I think it would unlock some of the other issues we are experiencing. We already have youth mobility schemes in place with 13 countries, including Australia, New Zealand and Canada, so why not with EU countries? It would once again allow young people across the UK to be able to spend time with our nearest neighbours without having to navigate Brexit red tape. A youth mobility scheme with the EU would open up opportunities for British young people to learn new skills, languages and cultures and bring all that back with them to benefit our economy and our society.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Lady for her intervention, although I am not sure what she means by the first album. We are talking about a comprehensive agreement. The EU has already indicated that it would be willing to discuss, and of course we should not enter agreements that are not to our advantage. As the Government know, a youth mobility scheme would not lead to a return to freedom of movement. After all, under the terms of the existing scheme, youth mobility visas are limited in duration and the number of eligible young people is capped. Delivering such a scheme would provide a return on investment in the form of soft power, which was never seemingly factored into the approach of the previous Conservative Government. The scheme that the Liberal Democrats propose is familiar and tried and tested; it allows those aged 18 to 30 to live, work and study in the countries involved for a set period. The advantages of a youth mobility scheme go far beyond the extension to a new generation of young people of the opportunities that many of us took for granted in our own youth. The wholly inadequate deal with the EU negotiated by the previous Conservative Government has done enormous damage to British businesses. We have seen soaring import costs, increased workforce shortages and reams of red tape, which have created huge barriers to growth. Exports by small businesses have dropped by 30%, and 20,000 small firms across the UK have stopped all exports to the EU. The UK faces acute labour shortages in sectors such as hospitality, the arts, entertainment and retail—exactly the kinds of jobs that young people visiting the UK for a few years might take on.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend is absolutely right. There are so many vacancies across our hospitality and tourism sectors, and a youth mobility scheme could be instrumental in helping us to fill them.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Can you give me an example of one of your reservations? Baroness Falkner: Yes. For example, you have just been discussing capacity, and capacity is a very serious consideration in our concern. You have been discussing coercion as well. There is evidence—coming back to the UN report I mentioned a few minutes ago—that the special rapporteurs on persons with disability and on human rights were very concerned. As Lord Sumption has said, when we have unclear law, it is very hard to understand the extent to which—when it comes to the definition of terminally ill, of coercion, of capacity—judges should have exemptions on, for example, conscientious grounds. There is a whole host of other areas: regulations, for example. I think the Bill calls for regulations to be laid within five years—an assessment of the measures of the Act to be laid within five years. We wonder why the Government cannot even now, as the Bill is going through, do an impact assessment and a human rights conformity assessment to draw out all those concerns in a more effective manner. It is not too late for the Government to do that. We would suggest that consideration be given by the whole of Government to doing an assessment of those human rights implications, working to cover this Bill as they would cover a Bill that they had proposed themselves. We are not entirely clear that a private Member’s Bill is a suitable vehicle for this issue, to be entirely honest. I may not be well informed enough, but I cannot remember a private Member’s Bill of such import going through since, perhaps, David Steel’s Abortion Act 1967. There may be other instances of a Bill of that import, but they do not come to mind right now. We look at the import of the Bill and at the fact that it has not been, sui generis, designed for England and Wales; it borrows quite a lot from other jurisdictions, although the number of jurisdictions that have passed similar laws is still relatively limited. Were this a Government Bill or a Government-sponsored bill, even at this late stage, it could have a whole of Government approach to looking at the different aspects that are engaged: disability rights; older people’s rights; the fact that ethnic minorities have very differential attitudes to some of these things; cultural rights. That would be a better place for Parliament to engage with this profoundly important issue—on which, I should add, we are neutral, in the sense that we can point to the practical problems with the Bill, but we do not take a position on whether the Bill is right or wrong in what it is advocating. We are coming to it more from a process and improvement point of view. Fazilet Hadi: Could I just add to that?

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Professor House, concerns have been expressed in written evidence that an assisted dying Bill of this sort is incompatible with wider policy around reducing suicide or suicide prevention measures. Do you think that it is possible to implement effective policies to reduce suicide rates, while having an assisted dying Bill at the same time? Professor House: It is a challenging question, isn’t it? A lot of it is based on interpretation of far-from-definitive evidence. A starter would be to observe that we would have to change our national suicide prevention strategy, because at the moment it includes identifying suicidal thoughts in people with severe physical illness as something that merits intervention, and the intervention is not an intervention to help people proceed to suicide. So the answer to your question, to some extent, is “Yes, it is going to change our approach to suicide prevention.” The wider question is whether it will change both the medical approach and society’s approach to suicide prevention in general if we start saying, “We don’t like suicide and we want to do something about it, except in some groups of people.” You may know that Professor Louis Appleby in Manchester, who leads the national confidential inquiry into suicide, is concerned about that. The best I can say on the international evidence is that there is no evidence that introducing this sort of legislation reduces what we might call unassisted suicides.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q There is no evidence that it reduces it, so it continues at the same rate: it does not increase, and it does not reduce. Is that what you are saying? Professor House: Well, it increases, but there are so many factors. I will give you one example. Oregon has been widely cited as a model for this sort of thing, although people have been a bit more uncertain in recent times. At the time that Lord Falconer introduced his Bill in the Lords in 2014, Oregon was cited as a place where levels had stayed much the same—not of suicide, but of people receiving assisted dying. In the decade since then, the number of people going through the assisted dying programme has gone up 500%, and the number of suicides has gone up 20%.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Baroness Falkner, do you consider that in its current form the Bill upholds the rights of all the different groups whose rights are protected under the Equality Act 2010? Baroness Falkner: Several human rights are engaged in the Bill: article 2 has been discussed; article 3 relates to inhumane and degrading treatment; article 8 is the right to privacy; article 9 is about freedom of thought, conscience and religion; and of course there is article 14, which has been discussed. They are all engaged at different levels of the Bill, and they are important and serious considerations. We are not clear, at this point in time, that the reservations we have about them can be resolved without further changes to the Bill.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Dr Griffiths, do you think it is possible that disabled people are likely to be or potentially more at risk of being coerced or otherwise persuaded to seek assisted dying as a result of the Bill? Dr Griffiths: I think so—I think the coercion principles outlined in the Bill are incredibly weak in terms of the scrutinising and the process of how you judge whether coercion has taken place. We know that coercion is a complex issue, but put that against the context of disabled people’s lives; we are talking about disabled people who are struggling day to day to access sufficient support and to live in participatory, accessible societies. The feeling, then, of societal coercion—the feeling that this is a tolerable idea—highlights my concerns about coercion. It also plays into the issue of support and assistance to understand what your rights are, not just in terms of what we are talking about here but broader disabled people’s rights. There is a lack of advocacy services available to disabled people, and there is a lack of support for disabled people to have accessible information about their rights. If you feel that assisted dying is your only choice—as opposed to accessing support or calling out discriminatory practices in, say, access to social care and healthcare—that highlights, again, situations where coercion will manifest. The infrastructure to support people either to respond to coercion, or to understand that they do not have to be in that position in the first place, is non-existent.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Growing the UK Economy · Hansard source

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  In November 2020, when giving evidence to the Treasury Committee, the head of the Office for Budget Responsibility, Richard Hughes, stated that further investment in infrastructure such as extending airport capacity would not deliver high economic returns as the UK is already highly connected. Without a proposal on the table for Heathrow, how can the Chancellor be so sure that a third runway will drive high national economic growth?

• 28 Jan 2025 · Airport Expansion · Hansard source

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  The economic benefits of the expansion of London airports remain unproven. On Heathrow, the Department for Transport’s updated appraisal report shows that the net present value of a third runway ranges from just £3.3 billion to minus £2.2 billion, while Heathrow’s finances are of severe concern, due to the significant debt that it has incurred. What new economic analysis have the Government considered that makes a third runway at Heathrow viable when considered alongside their commitments on climate, noise and air quality?

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Leading on from Dr Opher’s question about the “must refer” clause, you and Professor Whitty both stress the importance of the relationship between the doctor and the patient, yet there may be doctors who feel very strongly against mentioning assisted dying. Given the existence of clause 4(5) and the “must refer”, do you think there is a danger that there might be doctors who would be reluctant to provide a prognosis of six months or less if they thought that that would make the patient eligible for assisted dying, and that simply was not something they could support? Dr Green: That is why it is important that doctors should be able to opt out at any stage of this. There are doctors who would find it difficult to do that, and it is important that their position is respected.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Can you talk a little bit more about whether you perceive any difficulties in having a definition of terminal illness in the Act? How do you think the medical profession will interpret that? Professor Whitty: At the extremes —most people are at the extremes—it is very clear what is going to happen. For most people, you can say with confidence, barring some extraordinary accident like being hit by a car on the way out, “You’ll be fine in a year, even though you have heart disease, cancer or whatever.” At the other extreme, there are people who are clearly dying and will die in the next two or three days, and virtually nothing will change that reality. What we are talking about in the Bill, of course, is a point between those stages, but people will definitely reach a point where there will be an inexorable and, importantly for the Bill, unreversible slide towards a point of death. People can make a reasonable central view, if they are experienced in a particular disease, about when the death is likely to happen, accepting that there is a spread around that. I am sure that the general public and Members of Parliament fully accept that this is not a precise science. This is a central view, and there is a big academic literature around this. Some people will die significantly earlier than they are predicted to; a small number will die very significantly later; and some people will certainly die a bit later or to some degree later. The central view is usually reasonably accurate—that someone is now on a pathway from which there is not going to be a return.