Sarah Dyke MP: speeches

Speeches

• 8 May 2025 · Trade Negotiations · Hansard source

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  Despite the reassurances from the Minister, many farmers in Glastonbury and Somerton will feel really anxious about being thrown under a bus yet again as a result of this trade deal, especially after the trade deals agreed by former Conservative Governments with Australia and New Zealand, which undermined British farmers and food standards. Can the Minister give a cast-iron guarantee that this deal with the US will not undermine British farmers? What measures will he put in place to ensure that low-quality, low-welfare products do not enter the UK?

• 8 May 2025 · Small Abattoirs · Hansard source

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  I thank Members for their contributions, which are much appreciated. I heard very clearly their passion for supporting farmers in their areas. They made it abundantly clear that small and local abattoirs form a crucial part of local food infrastructure, but they need support from the Government. Those abattoirs are severely at risk, so it falls on DEFRA to define where they sit in plans for the future of farming and to set out how the Government will ensure that we have a local network of abattoirs across the country. I thank the Minister for his words and for the nuggets of good news. I hope that we will soon have further clarity on that funding and on what the landscape will look like, because we know that agriculture will face only more shocks. We have to tackle them now to ensure that farming in the future is resilient, with the infrastructure to support farmers so that they can secure their businesses. I hope that the Minister sees the opportunity to work with the small abattoir sector to safeguard its future and to ensure that local food infrastructure is as resilient as possible. Rural communities across the country—including farmers, retailers, butchers, pubs, restaurants and hotels—rely on small abattoirs, so we must make sure that they are there to serve customers and to feed the nation. Question put and agreed to. Resolved, That this House has considered the potential merits of Government support for small abattoirs.

• 8 May 2025 · Small Abattoirs · Hansard source

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  I absolutely agree. Reducing food miles is essential, along with carbon sequestration. Small farmers who supply local markets are doing sterling work by reducing food miles. At Down Land abattoir, Luke is struggling to keep up with demand, for so many reasons. Recruitment is an issue and so is retention of staff, because there has been such a dramatic decline in people opting to work in skilled-labour roles in the food sector, including slaughtering and butchery. The restriction in the size of his facilities is also restricting his output. That is coupled with the fact that much of the facility’s ageing equipment was not built to withstand the throughput that he is now driving in his business. It is in desperate need of investment. While I was visiting earlier this week, one of the cold stores had a major fault and had to be closed down. That carcase hanging space could not be used, which had a massive knock-on effect on what was already a really busy day. Most shockingly, Luke spoke passionately about the challenges that he faces every day because of the framework within which businesses like his must operate. Currently, the Food Standards Agency’s charging system is based on hours of onsite vet attendance. Abattoirs are charged a set hourly fee, irrespective of the animals slaughtered; discounts are currently available, depending on how many hours are used. Smaller sites, with a throughput of under 1,000 livestock units, are not required to have full-time OV attendance, so the majority of their hours will be covered by a 90% discount, but those that serve more than 1,000 livestock units will see their fees increased considerably. In June 2025, the FSA will have to decide whether to launch a public consultation on the discount or accept the Treasury’s desire to remove it. The Association of Independent Meat Suppliers has warned that the estimated full costs will lead to the closure of 40% of the small abattoirs left in England and Wales. This comes on top of the FSA’s increase in inspection fees of approximately 20% from April this year. I ask the Minister to ensure the continuation of the small abattoir discount on inspection charges so that small abattoirs can remain financially viable. Many small abattoirs feel penalised by the FSA, with constant inspections bringing up issues that were not found in their most recent audit. Some have received enforcement notices, which cost yet more money, to alter bits of equipment, add a bit of plastic roofing or add a bit of horsehair to the bottom of a door. All the while, the FSA provides no statutory right for abattoirs to appeal. Those in the industry have told me that it acts as judge, jury and executioner. The frustration is palpable. The FSA’s charges are based on a time recording system that provides its inspectors with little incentive to deliver an efficient system. Many invoices are incorrect or fail to match up to the timesheets. The abattoir then has to re-read them and approach the FSA to get them changed. Then the invoices are reprocessed, and off they go again. It is hugely frustrating for small abattoirs, which simply do not have the number of staff necessary to make such changes or indeed to keep up with the FSA. They are being forced to comply with a system that is not suited to their business model. Like many farmers and smallholders in Glastonbury and Somerton, I use my local small abattoir to process my lamb. Mine is Strap Orchard, in Wincanton, which is allowed to kill only between 6 am and 12 noon, and only when the onsite vet is present. Monday is its busiest day of the week. I am told that on one Monday, the OV turned up late, as they invariably do, and by 12 noon all but one lamb had been slaughtered. At exactly 12 noon, the OV instructed them to stop immediately, despite knowing that the only reason why the work was not finished was their own late arrival. The lamb was returned to the lairage area and had to be collected by the farmer, who then had to return it on the next slaughter day. The welfare impact was clearly significant, as was the inconvenience to everybody involved. That is just one small example of the difficult environment in which small abattoirs must survive. I implore the Minister and right hon. and hon. Members across the House to visit a small abattoir and find out more about the difficulties that they face. Fractious working relationships and financial frustrations with the FSA are a significant reason why some small abattoirs have shut down or are considering closing, leaving the local food supply without a critical piece of infrastructure. The resulting impact is felt most heavily by local farmers. The Environment Agency is working with farmers to find solutions to the issues, so it is high time that the FSA started to do the same. There is no question but that food safety must come first. However, that must be achieved by working with small abattoirs, not by punishing them at every turn. We need the FSA to build positive and mutually beneficial working relationships with small abattoirs to ensure food safety and food security, while enabling them to be as efficient and profitable as possible. The FSA does not seem concerned about the important role that small abattoirs play as a vital piece of local food infrastructure. It appears that it views them as a difficult stakeholder in comparison with larger, centralised processes, so there is a clear conflict of aims and interests. I believe that the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs can set a framework that values the contributions that small abattoirs make to local food systems. It has previously noted that it “recognises the vital contribution a thriving abattoir network plays” in achieving a resilient food supply chain, and it has said that it will work with abattoirs of all sizes to tackle the challenges that they face. Can the Minister explain where small abattoirs sit in DEFRA’s future farming road map? I urge him to set out how he will support small abattoirs as they deal with the difficult challenges that they face. Small abattoirs should be recognised as critical pieces of livestock infrastructure that provide a diverse range of services. I recently spoke to Gavin Keen of the multi-award-winning Blackmore Vale butchery, which is based in Henstridge in Glastonbury and Somerton. Gavin has carried out a study of abattoirs in the local area. He tells me that there are just six abattoirs that provide private kill services for farmers who are semi-local to the constituency, and that the closure of any of them would present a major logistical challenge to the local food infrastructure. Concerningly, nearly all these abattoirs, like Down Land in Sussex, are operating at or close to capacity, leaving farmers with long waiting lists to get their livestock booked in. It is critical that the UK has a network of abattoirs in areas of production offering services and processing, allowing value to return to the farm and allowing farmers to retail their own meat, because that can add a significant mark-up to their produce. The closure of abattoirs that offer private kill can and will hit farm revenues hard and limit farmers’ ability to diversify their income. The Liberal Democrats are clear that this network of small abattoirs is an important asset for our rural communities. We have called for a £1 billion package to be added to the farming budget to support the agricultural sector. The Liberal Democrats also passed a motion at our spring conference this year that affirms our commitment to upholding the high animal welfare standards in British farming, including through support for small abattoirs. Private kill services offered by small abattoirs allow farmers to add value to their produce by enabling them to retail the meat themselves. A survey by the Royal Countryside Fund found that farmers using private kill services in England were able to add significant value— £56 for an individual sheep and up to £3,775 for cattle. According to the Rare Breeds Survival Trust, the continued existence of small abattoirs is vital for rare and native breed farmers. Breeding rare and native breeds provides significant public good—from increased biodiversity to high-welfare, low-input meat production. However, if smaller abattoirs offering private kill services close, many of those farmers will need to change their business practices, given that 90% of native breed producers rely on those services. Native breeds mature more slowly than commercial ones, and many large abattoirs will not take cattle over 30 months old, while horned cattle and large pigs are regularly banned from large abattoirs. If we want to support agro-ecological farming, we must ensure there is diversity within our livestock. It is not just about retaining important historical and cultural breeds, but recognising the important role that biodiversity plays in the future of farming. Given the precarious financial position of farmers across the country, the loss of private kill options could be devastating. In fact, a British Farming Union members’ survey from March last year found that direct sales are such a critical component of some farming businesses that without them, their business would cease to exist. Let us be under no illusions. Farmers are still reeling from the hammer blows that were the family farm tax and increased employers’ national insurance contributions announced in the autumn Budget. Then, most recently, came the abrupt closure of the sustainable farming incentive scheme, leaving some farmers’ business plans utterly devastated. Farmers have been at the receiving end of some terrible decisions, many of them made by the previous Conservative Government. Following the botched transition from basic payments, farmers have just about managed to struggle on. The last Conservative Government proved themselves inept at supporting British agriculture, while the current Labour Government are proving that they just do not understand the industry. The Liberal Democrats were disappointed to see the Government fail to replace the smaller abattoir fund, which closed in September 2024. I believe if this Government are serious about supporting British agriculture, a great opportunity presents itself today to step up and recognise the crucial role that small abattoirs play in the food supply chain. I would like to touch on the workforce planning issues that the small abattoir sector faces, the impact of which will only increase over the coming years. Working in a small abattoir is very different from working in a larger processor; in a small facility, employees are expected to carry out a multitude of different jobs, as opposed to a larger abattoir, where employees work in a line system, generally specialising in performing just one task. The lack of skilled labour in the meat sector has dire implications for food security, and makes it harder to reach our environmental and sustainability goals. One in four food and drink workers are due to retire within the next year, while the average age of a small abattoir operator is between 60 and 70 years old. In line with Henry Dimbleby’s national food strategy, we must invest in training and education for the food industry. The Liberal Democrats are clear: we need to invest in workforce planning to ensure that we have enough vets, abattoir workers, slaughtermen and farm workers to meet the UK’s needs. That is a crucial element of UK food security. The Government’s own review recommends implementing a comprehensive strategy to improve awareness of opportunities in the food supply chain. Currently, the system does not make it easy for abattoirs to take on apprentices, nor is it appealing for those that seek to undertake training. Abattoir apprenticeships only go up to level 2, and apprentices receive a meagre £6,000 a year, which is nowhere near sufficient to cover training, travel and accommodation. That is hardly an incentive to enter the trade. I would welcome the Minister’s comments on the steps his Department is taking to improve workforce planning in this sector. We must focus on the long-term viability of these crucial elements of the livestock infrastructure. Does the Minister agree that the UK-wide local network of abattoirs is vital for food security, animal welfare and the profitability of our farmers? Could he also confirm that in order to sustain and grow the network of abattoirs, he will ensure that the Government’s existing small abattoir working group will have a proactive focus on delivery, working with both local and national Governments? If so, will he commit to meet regularly with the co-chairs of the industry and Government working group to give this crucial issue the attention it so clearly deserves? To conclude, it is clear that small abattoirs are central to our local food supply chain, and there will be a dire impact if we lose them. We need DEFRA to step up and frame its importance in local food infrastructure. We need long-term workforce planning, and a system that meets the needs of livestock producers and proactively works with stakeholders throughout the supply chain. If not, farming businesses and the supply chain will suffer.

• 8 May 2025 · Small Abattoirs · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered the potential merits of Government support for small abattoirs. It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Sir Desmond. I thank the Backbench Business Committee for scheduling this important debate. The abattoir industry is at crisis point. In 2023, just 60 small abattoirs—those with a throughput of less than 5,000 livestock units per year—were left in the UK. According to a 2022 Food Standards Agency report, small abattoirs are closing at the alarming rate of 10% per year, and within a decade they may well disappear altogether. To give an idea of the scale of the issue, in 2007 there were nearly 100 small abattoirs in the UK. The remaining small abattoirs face immense and multifaceted challenges to keep their facilities open for business. A 2021 National Craft Butchers study found that 59% of small abattoirs expected to shut down within five years unless they received Government support. The loss of these essential rural businesses poses major problems for local food infrastructure, animal welfare, biodiversity and food security. A resilient, shorter and farmer-focused supply chain requires small abattoirs and butchers who have connections with local restaurants, pubs and retailers. More than ever, local livestock producers need a well-distributed network of small abattoirs that offer private kill services to farmers who wish to add value by marketing and selling their meat directly to consumers, or to farmers who breed rare or native breeds but are often unable to use larger processors. However, two thirds of those farmers have reported issues in accessing appropriate abattoir services. Meanwhile, a third of respondents to a user survey by the Abattoir Sector Group reported that their local abattoir had already closed. That is devastating for so many farmers. Small abattoirs continue to deal with increased costs, such as rising energy costs and the recent increase in employer national insurance contributions, which threaten the viability of their businesses. However, they are also hampered by an expensive and punitive regulatory system that is not suited to addressing the nuances under which smaller processors have to operate. Earlier this week, Hugh Broom, a local farmer and an old Harper Adams University friend of mine, invited me to visit Down Land Traditional Meats, a small abattoir in Sussex that processes under 5,000 livestock units per year. It is vital for the local food infrastructure in the area. Luke Smith, who runs the business, served over 2,000 customers in February, with people coming from as far as Essex to access his services. After the closure of Newman’s Abattoir in Farnborough earlier this year, farmers on the Isle of Wight are being forced to travel further afield to access abattoir facilities on the mainland, further increasing their costs, as transporting livestock off the island by ferry is very expensive. Many of them are now going to Down Land. Demand has grown so much that many farmers now face long waiting times to get their animals booked in for slaughter. The scenario is replicated across the country.

• 6 May 2025 · Cullompton and Wellington Stations · Hansard source

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  Somerton and Langport is the largest area without a station between London and Penzance; it represents a 28-mile gap between Taunton and Castle Cary. I have worked hard with constituents in the area, who indeed put together a robust business plan and applied for the Restoring Your Railway fund, only to find that all their work had been turned down, scuppering their plans to build a station in the area. Does my hon. Friend agree that that decision denies my constituents the economic and social opportunities that the connectivity of a station would provide, which would enable them to bring business and new homes into the area?

• 6 May 2025 · Cullompton and Wellington Stations · Hansard source

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  I intervene because Jonathan, a constituent from Somerton, hoped that his son would attend Richard Huish sixth form in Taunton, in my hon. Friend’s constituency. However, the nearest train station is 12 miles away, and there are unreliable bus services right across Glastonbury and Somerton, so it proved impossible for Jonathan’s son to attend the sixth form of his choosing. Does my hon. Friend agree that the lack of rail connectivity creates barriers to education?

• 6 May 2025 · Dedicated Schools Grant · Hansard source

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  The Minister describes the additional funding but, as I have explained, many parents and children are suffering with severe mental health issues; it is heartbreaking to see. The Liberal Democrats want to provide a dedicated mental health professional in every school, so that every child and parent has somebody to turn to when they need it. What steps are the Government putting in place to support parents and children who are facing mental health challenges?

• 6 May 2025 · Dedicated Schools Grant · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to speak in this important debate and to serve with you in the Chair, Ms Butler. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Tewkesbury (Cameron Thomas) on securing the debate and on his powerful speech. I alert Members to my position as one of the vice chairs of the f40 group, which represents 43 local authorities with historically low funding for education and campaigns for fairer funding for schools and SEND provision. Somerset is one of those 43 councils. Its 2025-26 dedicated schools grant allocation is just £8,500 per student, while some councils get nearly £5,000 more than that per pupil. The launch in 2018 of the national funding formula for mainstream schools introduced a minimum per pupil funding level, which was designed to level up funding. However, that has continued to lock in historical funding elements, preventing some local authority areas from receiving more funding. The Liberal Democrats understand the need for regional variation to ensure that schools can operate successfully, but that should not come at the expense of schools elsewhere, which often struggle to make ends meet. As other Members have stated, the DSG is made up of four blocks, one of which is the high needs block, which supports SEND provision for children in both mainstream and specialist schools. Somerset’s 2025-2026 allocation of high-needs block funding is £1,250 per student—more than £2,000 less than the highest-funded local authority. It has been stressed many times that the SEND system is broken; the variance and unequal DSG funding is a big reason for that. My inbox, like that of many other Members, is full of correspondence from parents who all desperately want the best education for their children, but are concerned and deeply upset that their children’s needs are not being met by their schools.

• 6 May 2025 · Dedicated Schools Grant · Hansard source

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  I will touch on that. Delivering education in a huge rural county has so many pressures and complexities and my hon. Friend is absolutely right to bring that up. Let me give a couple of examples of children who are suffering and whose educational needs are not being met in my constituency of Glastonbury and Somerton. One of them is Jensen from Ilchester. He is only seven years old, but has been experiencing severe mental health distress while awaiting a long overdue neurodevelopmental assessment. His mother told me that he has lost all enjoyment in life. He misses his education and his friends, and all the while he is being passed between services. Jensen is not alone in that situation. Many other children in Glastonbury and Somerton face similar challenges: Charlie from Castle Cary, for example. He has an EHCP, but his school is simply not able to meet his needs. His mother said that he has been left for months without his educational needs, as specified in his EHCP, being met. As a result, his behaviour at school and his mental health are declining. The differential in DSG funding means that children like Jensen, Charlie and many others heartbreakingly cannot get the support that they deserve. Families are being left to suffer alone, fighting a system that is just not working for them. We know that the system is broken. The Isos report released last year found that all actors within the system are behaving rationally—schools, councils and parents—but the system is just not up to scratch. The funding model needs to be reformed to make it more responsive to changes so that individual schools can receive funding based on need. I urge the Minister to consider reviewing the funding formulas for both schools and high needs. The Liberal Democrats have a plan to invest in our education sector above the rate of inflation so that we can ensure that all schools have the capacity to operate sustainably. We must also give our local authorities the financial support that they need. The previous Conservative Government left schools to crumble and forced councils to do more with less, impacting our children’s education. The persistent budgetary strain does not allow local authorities to create long-term plans for children with SEND, so we would also set up a dedicated national body for SEND to act as a champion for children with complex needs and ensure that they receive tailored support. Without major reforms and changes to funding, we will continue to see a landscape with uneven funding where children are badly let down and schools cannot provide the support that is needed. I urge the Minister to take action, invest in education, invest in our children and invest in our future.

• 29 Apr 2025 · Irish Republican Alleged Incitement · Hansard source

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  Given the proximity of my constituency to the Glastonbury festival, many local people are concerned to learn that a pop group promoting harmful and extremist rhetoric are scheduled to perform there this summer. What criteria does the Home Office apply when assessing whether artists or performers are promoting harmful or extremist rhetoric, particularly when there is a clear attempt to provoke public outrage? Also, will the Minister work with me and my hon. Friend the Member for Wells and Mendip Hills (Tessa Munt) to engage with the Glastonbury festival organisers on finding an appropriate resolution?

• 29 Apr 2025 · Recycling of Tyres · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend is introducing a really important debate. A company called Tyre Renewals Ltd operates in Castle Cary in my constituency. Founded back in 1967, it specialises in tyre repairs and the shredding and granulation of used tyres to produce recycled rubber products. That prevents tyres from going into landfill and leaking harmful chemicals and microplastics into the environment, including waterways. Does my hon. Friend agree that urgent Government investment in tyre recycling infrastructure is needed to tackle the environmental hazards posed by worn tyres?

• 29 Apr 2025 · Recycling of Tyres · Hansard source

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  In 2021, Natural England downgraded the Somerset levels and moors Ramsar area and the water quality there to “unfavourable declining”. Somerset Wildlife Trust has attributed the microplastics to worn tyres in the environment. It is obviously a really concerning pollutant. What steps is the Minister taking to make manufacturers take greater responsibility for the contribution that their products make to microplastic pollution on the Somerset levels and moors?

• 29 Apr 2025 · Recycling of Tyres · Hansard source

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  The Minister mentioned Tyre Renewals in Castle Cary. I would very much like to welcome her to Glastonbury and Somerton to meet Tyre Renewals so that the company can show her what it does.

• 29 Apr 2025 · Household Energy Efficiency · Hansard source

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  14. What steps he is taking to help improve the energy efficiency of homes.

• 29 Apr 2025 · Household Energy Efficiency · Hansard source

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  Earl, a social housing tenant from Glastonbury, is disabled and has faced multiple barriers that have prevented him from self-funding improvements to the sustainability and energy efficiency of his home, in order to help him reduce his energy poverty and improve his health. What steps is the Secretary of State taking to ensure that social housing tenants receive energy upgrades in their homes, and in particular those living in older housing stock, where upgrades might be more complex to achieve?

• 28 Apr 2025 · Scientific and Regulatory Procedures: Use of Dogs · Hansard source

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  I share a love of dogs with my hon. Friend, and I have a nearly 17-year-old terrier at home—slightly better looking than Frank, I might add. The level of public interest in this petition is vast—many of my constituents have spoken to me strongly about it—and that shows the strength of feeling on this issue. Does my hon. Friend agree that the transposition of the principle of animal sentience into British law is an essential step in ensuring that the UK retains the highest animal welfare standards in the future?

• 28 Apr 2025 · Scientific and Regulatory Procedures: Use of Dogs · Hansard source

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  I didn’t!

• 24 Apr 2025 · Infected Blood Compensation Scheme · Hansard source

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  My constituent Hazel, from Street, was infected with hepatitis C in the 1970s after receiving blood products following the birth of her child. She suffered years of ill health and related problems, and is still waiting for the infected blood compensation scheme. Her case is truly heart- breaking, so what assurance can the Minister provide to people like Hazel that they will soon be supported?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Lesbian Visibility Week · Hansard source

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  As I was saying before I was so rudely interrupted by the Division bell, the mental health inequalities that lesbians face stem in large part from what has been called “minority stress”, which is the strain of navigating a world that too often marginalises or misunderstands them. Internalised stigma, fear of rejection and the emotional toll of either concealing or repeatedly disclosing one’s identity all contribute. But there is a powerful antidote: community, a sense of belonging, support from others who understand. That is why lesbian spaces matter. Lesbian bars, clubs and social venues have long provided a sanctuary—a space to be oneself, free from judgment or hyper-sexualization, free from the male gaze or a society that does not always understand. Yet in many parts of the UK and across the west, lesbian venues are vanishing. The 1990s saw a surge of women-only spaces in London including First Out, the Candy Bar, Vespa, Glass Bar, Due South and Oak Bar, many of which I have frequented. Sadly, they had all closed by 2015. In Amsterdam, a city long seen as a beacon of LGBT+ inclusion, one of the last lesbian bars, Vivelavie, closed in 2017 after nearly four decades. A recent survey of more than 500 lesbians showed that 96% were concerned about the loss of lesbian spaces and community groups. This must act as a wake-up call. We need better research into this decline and greater innovation in how we support and preserve lesbian-only spaces and communities, both physical and digital. We must also address how media, particularly online pornography, contributes to the damaging stereotyping of lesbians. Lesbian porn is consistently among the most-searched categories on mainstream sites, yet the portrayals are not reflective of reality. Instead, they are often harmful and degrading, and they distort how lesbians are perceived by others, and worse still, by themselves. Increasingly, young same-sex attracted women are distancing themselves from the term “lesbian” due to its association with those harmful tropes. Our education system must respond. It is essential that we reform relationships and sex education not only to protect children from the harms of online pornography, but to challenge these stereotypes and promote positive and diverse lesbian role models, because every child deserves to see someone like them reflected in the world around them. Internationally, we must not turn a blind eye. In many countries, same-sex attraction remains a criminal offence and, in some cases, lesbians face abhorrent violence. The 2008 brutal gang rape and murder of South African footballer Eudy Simelane shone a light on the horror of so-called “corrective rape”, a hate crime that is still reported around the world, especially in the global south. The UK must be a leader in global human rights, pushing for decriminalisation and protection for same-sex-attracted people around the world. Lesbians also face different challenges when they begin to consider starting a family. All LGBTQ+ people deserve equitable access to the reproductive healthcare services they need, but inequalities persist and must be addressed urgently. Only three of the 42 ICBs in England give female same-sex couples access to fertility funding, while others give access to funding to women who have not conceived after two years of unprotected intercourse, or six to 12 self-funded rounds of artificial insemination. That is clearly discriminatory. One cycle of IVF costs about £5,000 or more, so some women will need to find in excess of £30,000 to start a family. Some are so desperate to start their family that they are forced to seek alternative, often dangerous routes, where they put themselves physically, psychologically and legally at risk. As always, the costs of those risks far outweigh the costs of their fertility treatment. The Liberal Democrats will therefore push for an integrated care body to make this change a priority, to ensure that equitable access to IVF is available for all lesbian couples who are looking to start their own family. Let me end on a note of hope. The British social attitudes survey shows our country has become significantly more open and accepting. In 1983, 17% of people believed that same-sex relationships were not wrong at all. In 2023, that figure stood at 67%. And those who say same-sex relationships are always wrong has plummeted from 50% to just 9%. Such progress matters. It helps to make people feel safer, more accepted and more empowered to live openly and authentically. Liberal Democrats believe in a freer, fairer and more compassionate society. That includes recognising and uplifting lesbian voices, protecting lesbian culture and ensuring that everybody, especially those who are most marginalised in our communities, feel safe, supported and seen.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Lesbian Visibility Week · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve with you in the Chair, Ms Butler. I congratulate the hon. Member for Jarrow and Gateshead East (Kate Osborne) for securing this vital debate and for her excellent speech. It is wonderful to hear from so many sisters across the House. Lesbian visibility matters because representation brings understanding, and understanding brings change. I want to talk about the inequalities that lesbians still face, the value of community and safe spaces, and what we as legislators can do to ensure that lesbians are not just seen but heard, respected and supported. But before I do, I want to take a moment to celebrate a woman who spent her life working for lesbian rights and visibility. I was delighted to learn that earlier this year, Studio Voltaire and the London LGBT+ Forums’ Network unveiled a rainbow plaque honouring the inspirational Jackie Forster outside her former London home. After her death, it was said that if she had served a cause other than lesbian rights, she would have been festooned with honours. She would have been called Dame Jackie Forster. So courageous was she that, in 1969, she came out by announcing to the world at Speakers’ Corner, “You are looking at a roaring dyke”, a name I often get called. Jackie was daring and unapologetic, and we must ensure that her fortitude and her legacy continue. Jackie spearheaded the launch of the triumphant and bold 1970s lesbian magazine, Sappho , a publication that reached out to women suffering crippling isolation at a time when the pressure of heterosexual compliance was high. Sappho created a much needed safe forum that allowed women to realise that they were not freakish outcasts or mentally unwell; they were lesbians, and there were many other women like them. Fifty years on, in 2023, University College London published a sobering study showing that LGB individuals are three times more likely to self-harm and twice as likely to experience suicidal thoughts compared with heterosexual people. Within that group, lesbians face specific and significant mental health challenges, ranging from increased rates of depression to internalised self-hate. These challenges are even more pronounced among those who have not felt able to disclose their sexual orientation. The mental health inequalities that lesbians face stem in large part from what has been called “minority stress”.

• 24 Apr 2025 · EU Trading Relationship · Hansard source

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  The previous Conservative Government’s botched deal with Europe has strangled trade and investment in British farming. Rural communities and farmers in Glastonbury and Somerton have been badly let down. Does my hon. Friend agree that we should put the UK into a position of strength by forming a new and bespoke customs union with the EU that will unleash the potential of British farming in the UK?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Some 77% of LGBTQ+ millennials are considering starting a family, but only three out of 42 integrated care boards in England give female same-sex couples access to fertility funding. Others ask for six to 12 rounds of self-funded treatment before funding is considered. As we celebrate Lesbian Visibility Week, could we have a debate in Government time about the discrimination that same-sex couples face when accessing fertility treatment?

• 23 Apr 2025 · Sewage · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend says that Ofwat has failed to regulate the water system effectively, and is failing on environmental, public health and financial interests. In my constituency, Wessex Water leaked sewage for over 400,000 hours last year alone. Does he agree that the water regulator should be replaced with a clean water authority, which would bring together the environmental and financial regulation of water companies?

• 23 Apr 2025 · Hospitals · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend talks of members of staff with long service. A former nurse with 40 years’ experience in the NHS recently contacted me. She took her husband, who has complex needs, into hospital, as he had a hand infection, and they were forced to wait for over 12 hours in a tiny cubicle with no ventilation. It pained me to hear that story. She worked so hard for the NHS, which she felt was down on its knees. Does my hon. Friend agree that this is a damning indictment of the state of our hospitals, and that we urgently need to pursue a major 10-year capital investment programme to get them back up to speed?

• 22 Apr 2025 · Residential Estate Management Companies · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve with you in the Chair, Mr Stuart. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for South Devon (Caroline Voaden) for securing this important debate. Residential estate management is a scandalous reality affecting thousands of people across the country. Residents are left to navigate this complex landscape alone, often forced to pay escalating and unchallengeable fees for services they did not agree to, provided by companies they cannot remove. Stephen from Glastonbury is permanently tied, alongside his neighbours, to contracts with FirstPort that are written into the Land Registry. They are charged £560 annually for minimum maintenance of open spaces, with fees rising annually despite declining standards. The residents are billed for obscure services, and when questioned, FirstPort offers vague justifications and claims that costs are rising to meet expectations. Whose expectations? They are certainly not the expectations of residents. Another constituent, Anne, moved into her flat on Cavalier Way in Wincanton a year ago, having budgeted for a manageable service charge of £750. Within the last few months, she has been hit, without any consultation whatever, with a shocking £7,000 invoice from RMG, the management company, to cover stairwell repairs. By labelling that cost as a budget, rather than a service charge, RMG seems to be attempting to sidestep the legal protections of section 20. When I met other residents of Cavalier Way last week, some told me that their costs were rising by a staggering 479% and that they simply do not have the means to pay those grossly inflated service charges. The Liberal Democrats believe that that must change. We have long called for leasehold reform and the professionalisation of estate management so that homeowners can control their own properties.