Perran Moon MP: speeches

Speeches

• 16 Jan 2025 · Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory Agency · Hansard source

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  I thank the right hon. Member for Tatton (Esther McVey) for securing a debate on what is an incredibly important campaign in support of the reforms to the MHRA. I would like to make clear my interest as an officer of the all-party parliamentary group on Primodos. I will focus on the human case for reform. I would like to share part of a speech delivered at a recent APPG meeting by Jason Farrell, a journalist who has been instrumental in communicating the campaign for some time and who powerfully put into words the experience of Marie Lyon and other victims. He said: “In October 1970, in Billinge maternity ward in Wigan, a woman gives birth to a girl. The baby is quickly rushed out of sight and later brought back swaddled. When Marie Lyon unwraps her daughter, she discovers half her baby’s arm is missing. Meanwhile, in Portsmouth, Shirley Gubbins gives birth. Her daughter is so damaged, medics put her in a cupboard, assuming she will be dead within minutes. Shirley’s husband demands to see his child and discovers the baby’s back is twisted, her face disfigured, and one eye is missing. When she’s eventually allowed to see her baby, Shirley reacts in exactly the same way as Marie does: ‘She’s beautiful. She’s mine.’” As a relatively new MP, I first met Marie Lyon, campaigner-in-chief and chairwoman of the Association for Children Damaged by Hormone Pregnancy Tests, just a few months ago at the request of a constituent. Marie has met many MPs in her years campaigning for recognition and justice for mothers and children affected by hormone pregnancy tests. I had not met many campaigners like her before, and I had certainly never met a leader with such reserves of stamina and such a profound sense of injustice. I speak here on the shoulders of victims, families, activists, MPs, scientists and academics who have called for substantial reform of the MHRA and for the Government to acknowledge the harm done to patients and to implement the recommendations of the IMMDS. The harrowing stories of victims of this scandal after decades of fudges, obfuscation and inaction that have hindered their pursuit of justice must be heard again and again in the Chamber. The evidence is clear. The time for talk has long passed. It is time for us now to act.

• 13 Jan 2025 · Neighbourhood Policing · Hansard source

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  In 2022 the chief constable of Devon and Cornwall Police was suspended for misconduct, and last November the interim chief constable was also suspended. Now the deputy police and crime commissioner has also resigned. Does the Home Secretary share my concerns about the leadership of Devon and Cornwall Police and the impact on neighbourhood policing morale, as well as the fact that the taxpayer is paying for three chief constables, two of whom have been suspended?

• 13 Jan 2025 · Neighbourhood Policing · Hansard source

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  17. What recent progress her Department has made on improving neighbourhood policing.

• 9 Jan 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Rugby union is the national sport of Cornwall and is integral to many of our local communities. Having spoken to several rugby clubs across and associated with Cornwall over recent months, including Camborne rugby club, and Redruth rugby club, which is celebrating its 150th anniversary, I know that there is deep and widespread unease at the current governance of English rugby. Several grassroots community rugby clubs are reportedly on the financial brink. This issue is not restricted to Cornwall—clubs all over the country report the same issues. Will the Leader of the House grant Government time to debate this important issue?

• 9 Jan 2025 · Public Finances: Borrowing Costs · Hansard source

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  Meur ras ha myttin da, Mr Speaker. Does the Chief Secretary agree that the only way that we can wrest the economy out of the clutches of the Conservatives’ doom loop is to go for growth? The Government’s new industrial strategy will be a core foundation underpinning that growth.

• 8 Jan 2025 · Heat Batteries: Decarbonising Homes · Hansard source

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  I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing such an important debate; it is incredibly disappointing that not a single Conservative MP has turned up to listen. Does my hon. Friend agree that our transition away from fossil fuel heating must include domestic network ground source heat pumps at a much broader scale, including in social housing? Heat pumps are essential to the transition. The largest producer of ground source heat pumps, Kensa, is in my constituency and is ready, willing and able to support that transition.

• 8 Jan 2025 · Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill · Hansard source

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  In my constituency of Camborne, Redruth and Hayle, 32% of secondary school children are persistently absent from school. Some are home-schooled, but some are lost to the system without support. These are vulnerable children. This Bill is about protecting vulnerable children. Does my hon. Friend agree that voting against this Bill is playing politics with the protection of vulnerable children?

• 7 Jan 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  Meur ras, Madam Deputy Speaker. I welcome the provisions made in the Bill to improve the governance of the Crown Estate and broaden its investment powers and capacity to borrow. As stated in the Bill, the changes will mean that commissioners can undertake activities such as investing in port infrastructure and in digital technologies to map the seabed. As a Cornish MP, it is the seabed that I will focus on for the next few minutes. Commissioners will be enabled to assist with investment in public infrastructure for the benefit of the nation. I support those provisions on the basis that the Crown Estate will use its increased power to invest in areas of higher deprivation where there is a clear commercial potential, such as, as has been mentioned, floating offshore wind in the Celtic sea. In that respect, Cornwall is perhaps the best example of where post-industrial deprivation is high, yet—I am sorry to mention this with Welsh Members in the Chamber—it is the closest land mass to much of the Celtic sea floating offshore wind opportunity. As has been mentioned, Cornwall is also home to the third deepest natural harbour in the world, in Falmouth. The development of the port of Falmouth would support the export potential of critical minerals such as tin from my constituency of Camborne, Redruth and Hayle, and of lithium that will be mined in Cornwall. As mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Reading Central (Matt Rodda), Cornwall’s economic development is also held back by a lack of grid connectivity. I hope that support for the Bill will result in significant improvements in that area. The Crown Estate plays a fundamental role as an enabler of infrastructure projects. The Bill inserts a new subsection into the Crown Estate Act 1961 requiring the commissioners to keep under review the impact of their activities on the achievement of sustainable development in the United Kingdom. I sincerely hope that Ministers agree that deprived communities such mine in Camborne, Redruth and Hayle should be the direct beneficiaries of this development through the work of the Crown Estate. I also hope that the Crown Estate fully understands the expectations of deprived coastal communities in every corner of England, Wales, Northern Ireland and Cornwall.

• 19 Dec 2024 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Nadelik lowen—merry Christmas. As we look forward to next year, 2025 could and should be a momentous year for Cornwall, with our unparalleled resources of renewable energy and critical minerals. Does the Leader of the House agree that the time has come to pass from Westminster to Cornwall the powers and support needed to deal with our unique set of challenges and to unleash the Cornish Celtic tiger?

• 17 Dec 2024 · Energy Security · Hansard source

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  Meur ras, ha myttin da, Mr Speaker. We have seen the terrible consequences for households of fossil fuel energy insecurity, and we cannot allow this to happen with the transition to renewables. However, to achieve our net zero goals, we will have to see a massive increase in demand for critical minerals such as tin and lithium, much of the supply and processing of which will be dominated by economically bad actors. Will the Minister meet me to discuss how the Government will be mitigating this clear and present danger?

• 17 Dec 2024 · Energy Security · Hansard source

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  12. What steps he is taking to improve energy security.

• 17 Dec 2024 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  T9. In the Government’s policy paper “Clean Power 2030 Action Plan”, floating offshore wind was labelled a key emerging technology, and developments were promised for future rounds of contracts for difference. Will the Minister please consider going further, and geographically ringfencing contracts for difference funding, to ensure that the massive potential of projects such as floating offshore wind in the Celtic sea is unlocked?

• 16 Dec 2024 · English Devolution · Hansard source

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  I welcome the move to devolve to every corner of the United Kingdom, but in relation to the upcoming Cornish devolution discussions, what is the Minister’s vision of how the Government will put into practice the legal obligations to protect and support Cornish national minority status in the same way that minority status is protected for our Celtic cousins in Wales and Scotland?

• 12 Dec 2024 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  T5. I declare an interest as an officer of the all-party parliamentary group on critical minerals. Although Cornwall sits on some of the richest deposits of critical minerals in the world, including tin and lithium in my constituency of Camborne, Redruth and Hayle, there are significant geological reserves right across the United Kingdom, including in the north of England, Northern Ireland and the lands of our Celtic cousins in Wales and Scotland. Will the Minister confirm that domestic critical mineral production and processing will form a key part of the Government’s industrial strategy?

• 12 Dec 2024 · Floating Offshore Wind: Celtic Sea · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Efford. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Truro and Falmouth (Jayne Kirkham) on securing this debate on floating offshore wind in the Celtic sea, and I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Mid and South Pembrokeshire (Henry Tufnell) for his passionate words. My hon. Friend the Member for Truro and Falmouth identified the opportunity and the challenge at hand, and I am pleased to complement the framework that she set out. I will emphasise the cross-cutting issue of skills, and the importance, right across Cornwall, of developing Falmouth port. The development of floating offshore wind technology in the Celtic sea represents not just a renewable energy opportunity, but a chance to transform Cornwall’s economy and establish the UK as a global leader in clean energy. In terms of the share of renewables in our total energy mix, fixed offshore wind, supported by contracts for difference, which my hon. Friend the Member for Mid and South Pembrokeshire mentioned, has been and will continue to be crucial, as the recent NESO report pointed out. The UK has been able to capture jobs in the development, operation and maintenance phases of the fixed offshore wind supply chain, but not in the capital phase, such as manufacturing and installation. Most of the parts the UK uses are deployed from mainland European ports, using imported components. Despite the successful roll-out of fixed offshore turbines, we can learn from these issues, as floating offshore wind represents the next generation of technology out in the Celtic sea. In 2023, Tim Pick from the Clean Power 2030 Advisory Commission published an independent report on offshore wind, in which he highlighted the case of Kincardine floating offshore wind farm. I am taking the debate from the Celtic sea up to Scotland because the report describes how the foundations for new floating offshore wind structures were made in Spain, at great expense, taken to Rotterdam for assembly, using locally sourced components to keep down costs, and finally towed to Scotland and installed. That is indicative of the offshore supply chain, and it means that fixed offshore wind has not captured as many jobs in the UK as it could do. The Celtic sea floating offshore wind sector has the potential to create about 5,300 jobs across Cornwall, the south-west of England and, yes, Pembrokeshire in south Wales. There remains a real risk that we will not grasp the potential by building up the local workforce. We need to demonstrate that young people and skilled workers do not need to migrate from Cornwall for well-paid employment opportunities in the green economy. As my hon. Friend the Member for Mid and South Pembrokeshire said, floating offshore wind in the Celtic sea is a relatively nascent industry, which means that its skills and workforce need to be supported, planned and nurtured. If we do not do this, the industry will not be able to recruit the staff needed for these vocational and technical skills. A reactive, short-term approach to upskilling will be inadequate. We need to look at a long-term strategic approach to workforce development, one that focuses on clear, sustainable career pathways, such as floating platforms assembly, welding and marine licence development. Those are just a few examples of the strong pipeline of talent needed for the floating offshore wind sector and the skills required to populate the vacancies in the supply chain. I am pleased it was announced this week that the Blue Abyss facility near Newquay has received match funding from the Crown Estate’s supply chain accelerator fund. To make this vision a reality, collaboration is key. We need a collective effort to build workforce capacity in preparation for the opportunity presented by this new sector. Every stakeholder has a role to play, from individual learners engaged in skills training to schools, further education colleges, higher education institutions, independent training providers and the private sector and future employers. There are several examples in Cornwall, most notably the University of Exeter’s Penryn campus, which hosts the largest number of top 10 climate change scientists in the world and produces world-leading courses. There are apprenticeships at Truro and Penwith college and vocational opportunities at Falmouth marine school and Cornwall college in Camborne and Redruth, which is barely one mile away from South Crofty tin mine, which would be a major beneficiary of a development of Falmouth port. We know there are structural imbalances when it comes to qualifications. According to Skills England, 38% of people in Cornwall have level 4 qualifications or above, compared with 61% in London. The new growth and skills levy, which will enable employers to access a broader range of high-quality training offers, will be fundamental if applied to this sector. Skills England will act as a vital bridge between industrial strategy, training providers and businesses. I turn briefly to Falmouth port and the infrastructure in relation to the Celtic sea. As my hon. Friend the Member for Truro and Falmouth said, we must regenerate Falmouth port to enable the roll-out of floating offshore wind. We must ensure that it becomes a key hub for operations and maintenance. To have the best opportunity to achieve economic growth and increase productivity, we need to build up our supply chain. As turbines increase in size with the proliferation of floating offshore wind, there is a need for larger-scale and better-equipped port facilities in general. That should be partnered with local manufacturing. Floating offshore wind sub-structures alone can measure up to 80 metres across and weigh thousands of tonnes, with the turbines themselves expected to reach as high as 300 metres. Ports need adequate quays, crane capacity and lay-down space to accommodate these vast engineering structures, so where better to develop than the third-deepest natural harbour in the world at Falmouth? To echo comments by my hon. Friend the Member for Truro and Falmouth, we need the Crown Estate to lease more projects in the Celtic sea and we need to ringfence the funding for the Celtic sea at the next auction round. We must work towards building up the capacity at Falmouth port. If we are to realise a just transition, we must ensure that it delivers as much opportunity for UK businesses and communities as possible. Successive Governments have failed to deliver the benefits to communities. The Cornish Celtic tiger can drive the world-leading deployment of floating offshore wind at commercial scale and sow the seed for a cluster of expertise and experience right across the sector.

• 10 Dec 2024 · Finance Bill · Hansard source

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  New research published in the last few days has found that fossil fuel companies reported profits of nearly $0.5 trillion during the 2022 energy crisis. By contrast, people struggled with fuel poverty and had to choose between heating and eating. One in seven households in my constituency is in fuel poverty. Does the Minister agree that the ability to extend and increase the energy profits levy is a key lever for addressing this imbalance and supporting households?

• 9 Dec 2024 · SEN Provision: Funding · Hansard source

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  Perranporth academy in my constituency plans to provide significant SEN provision, but it is one of 44 schools currently under a value-for-money review. As of last week, the head of Perranporth primary school had not been consulted on this. Will the Secretary of State meet me to discuss the plight of Perranporth academy?

• 4 Dec 2024 · Future of Farming · Hansard source

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  Does the Minister agree that it falls to this Government, following the abject failure and economic incompetence of the previous Government, to deal with the rampant speculative acquisition of farmland by closing the tax loophole that has been exploited for too long, and that if the Conservatives really cared about the future of farming, there would be more than one Conservative MP here, with the exception of the shadow Minister and the Chair?

• 4 Dec 2024 · Future of Farming · Hansard source

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  Will the shadow Minister give way?

• 3 Dec 2024 · Critical Minerals: Domestic Production · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered the domestic production of critical minerals. It is a pleasure to serve once again under your chairship, Mrs Harris. I am pleased to have secured this debate on a subject that I believe is yet to achieve the public and pollical prominence that it deserves, but that is fundamental to the UK’s energy transition, economic security and industrial growth—especially in areas of high deprivation. What are critical minerals? Strictly speaking, critical mineral is a label given to materials that are deemed to have economic value and that are vulnerable to supply chain insecurity. The term was first used by the United States Government in the 1940s to describe materials crucial to military technologies. In our modern economy, transitioning to net zero to mitigate the existential threat that we all face from climate change, the new generation of critical minerals such as tin, lithium and tungsten are crucial as the global economy shifts from a fossil fuel intensive to a material-intensive energy system. Last week, the British Geological Survey published its critical minerals list, finding 34 different materials crucial to our economy.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Critical Minerals: Domestic Production · Hansard source

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  It is essential that there is an ongoing dialogue about the critical minerals list. I attended a conference yesterday with the British Geological Survey, at which it explained how it came up with the critical minerals list. My hon. Friend is absolutely right that we need to focus on those minerals that are crucial to the development of our economy. Those minerals are essential for our batteries, cars, wires, consumer devices and defence applications. To be clear, critical minerals are the cornerstone of the clean energy revolution—the lifeblood of electric vehicles, wind turbines, solar panels and cutting-edge electronics. In a world where demand for technology grows ever stronger, critical minerals stand as both our greatest challenge and our most brilliant opportunity. Demand is set to massively increase over the next few years and decades, as more consumers buy electric vehicles powered by renewable energy. I have framed critical minerals as a great challenge as well as an opportunity. That challenge arises because at the moment the UK imports almost all of its critical mineral demand. A number of countries dominate the upstream supply chains, with the top three nations dominating well over three quarters of global output, according to the International Energy Agency. That concentration of production is even higher when it comes to refining operations, where China dominates. By 2030, 85% of lithium will be refined in just three countries. That level of supply chain domination is distinctly undesirable for our decarbonising economy and is much higher than the production concentrations of fossil fuels. We must diversify our supply chains to achieve greater resource security, including the development of domestic production capabilities. Other large economies such as the US, Canada, Australia, and the EU are working to secure their own critical mineral supply chains, and we must not be left behind in the race to supply security.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Critical Minerals: Domestic Production · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend is absolutely right. As I mentioned, the risk is that we have a small number of dominant players from areas of the world that are potentially geopolitically sensitive for the UK and the west. It is crucial that we focus on our own domestic critical mineral production, so that we have that security going forward. I entirely agree. To conclude, critical minerals are the elephant in the room when it comes to energy transition. We must capitalise on UK domestic potential. How we extract the materials, how we capture supply chains and how we develop technologies to recycle critical minerals will only become more important. I have focused on the cluster of businesses in Cornwall, but Northern Lithium, Green Lithium and Weardale Lithium in the north of England represent other acorns of industrial potential that we must support. Northern Lithium is targeting production of over 10,000 tonnes of battery-grade lithium from brines, having secured mineral rights over 60,000 acres. Only last week, Watercycle Technologies from the University of Manchester developed new technology for producing battery-grade lithium from UK source brines. We have to acknowledge the scale of the challenge at hand in order to generate a rising tide that will lift the whole industry. Critical minerals must form a core part of the Government’s industrial strategy, alongside investment in housing in deprived communities, infra- structure around and within key sites such as Falmouth port, and commercial infrastructure such as rail for freight transport and a tin smelter at South Crofty. Currently, tin produced in the UK would have to be shipped to east Asia to be smelted and then shipped back, creating extensive carbon emissions through shipping and offshoring the jobs and infrastructure in the supply chain that we need domestically. With all that in mind, I ask the Minister: what is the state of the Government’s ongoing dialogue with the industry? Do the Government recognise the current geopolitical risks of a world shortfall in the supply of tin, and will the white heat of the UK’s critical mineral industry form a key part of the Government’s strategy? If we overcome these challenges, we will deliver the UK’s critical mineral security, create thousands of jobs in deprived communities and accelerate our drive towards a fossil fuel-free future.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Critical Minerals: Domestic Production · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend for his intervention and wholeheartedly agree, once again, with the desire for the Government to focus on critical minerals, hopefully developing the critical minerals strategy as a core part of the UK’s overall industrial strategy. I will talk more about that later. Beneath Cornwall lies a mass of granite rock called the Cornubian batholith—that is harder to say at 9.40 am than one would think—in which lithium-bearing mica was discovered in 1825. In recent years, the extraction and processing of that resource has been developed by two enterprises: Imerys British Lithium and Cornish Lithium, as mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Basingstoke (Luke Murphy). Significantly, the UK lithium demand is projected to be 80,000 tonnes a year by 2030, with geological reserves in Cornwall covering a significant proportion of that demand over the next few decades. I point out that even though demand is projected at 80,000 tonnes a year, we currently have no domestic supply. Both companies have received significant investment, and just this year Cornish Lithium opened its first processing facility, refining battery-grade lithium hydroxide, locally in Cornwall. These companies constitute not potential on the horizon, but enterprises employing hundreds of people, generating wealth, developing technologies and working with communities and academics. The potential in Cornwall is underpinned by a rich depth of mining heritage over thousands of years, with an economic peak in the 19th century, when tin was mined on an industrial scale, before the price collapsed and jobs moved to other places around the world. The last tin mine closed at South Crofty, in the heart of my area of Camborne, Redruth and Hayle, in 1998. When it did, the following words were graffitied on the closed gate: “Cornish lads are fishermen, And Cornish lads are miners too, But when the fish and tin are gone What are the Cornish boys to do?” Today, a firm called Cornish Metals is working to reopen South Crofty tin mine; it is draining it of water as we speak, so that work can start again to meet the severe supply shortages of tin worldwide that the global economy now faces. I have been down South Crofty mine myself and, although it must be said that I am not a geologist, I am convinced that the objectives of Cornish Metals can and must be achieved. Lithium gets a lot of deserved attention because of its use in lithium-ion batteries, but tin is as crucial to modern technologies and electrical infrastructure such as solar panels. Cornwall hosts the third highest-grade tin deposits in the world, and it is the highest grade of tin deposit that is not currently mined. South Crofty and much of Cornwall more generally represent a unique blend of ancient mining heritage, geological reserves and community support. That comes alongside a cluster of companies and expertise in and around educational institutions such as the world-leading Camborne School of Mines and the University of Exeter, based in Penryn, which has more top 100 climate scientists than any other university in the world. The UK’s burgeoning critical minerals industry could be a game changer, helping to relieve pressures on communities such as mine and generating jobs and wealth. With those communities in mind, it is fundamental that domestic production works for local people and the natural environment, so that we do unleash the Cornish Celtic tiger. As an officer of the all-party parliamentary group on critical minerals, alongside my hon. Friend the Member for St Austell and Newquay (Noah Law), I am in close contact with the industry. We attended the Critical Minerals Association conference yesterday and will attend another industry conference on the future of mining later this week. Industry leaders have made it very clear to me that there is a serious gap in the midstream supply chain for batteries, including magnet development. Much focus is on the upstream, but those gaps must be plugged as well. Industry is crying out for domestic production guaranteed by the Government, whether as a set tonnage or as a percentage of demand on a sliding scale. That would reassure mining finance, which is relatively risk-averse. In that vein, I ask the Government to consider implementing de-risking financial instruments such as price floors, as well as considering mineral-extraction projects as part of the enterprise investment scheme, which provides tax reliefs for investors supporting small and growing enterprises. The industry suffers from a long development timescale and high up-front costs, both of which need to be considered as the Government tackle this country’s industrial and planning issues. Giving more support to this industry will increase its credibility as a possible career path in the education system. Camborne School of Mines, the UK’s only dedicated mining college, and perhaps the world’s most famous, offers sector-specific undergraduate courses, but we require greater focus on STEM subjects—science, technology, engineering and maths—at GCSE and A-level, alongside apprenticeships. To conclude—I am sure hon. Members will be relieved to hear that—

• 3 Dec 2024 · Critical Minerals: Domestic Production · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention and wholeheartedly agree with him. As I will mention later, although I am Cornish and focus on Cornwall, there are benefits to be had throughout the United Kingdom. Relying unreservedly on international supply chains increases our global carbon emissions and means we cannot ensure a higher level of environmental care and social standards in the extraction and processing of these materials. To mitigate that dependency and build secure localised supply chains, including for electric vehicle batteries, investment in domestic extraction and processing is essential. Establishing our domestic industry would also aid our export capabilities. Our significant lithium reserves could be upstream of a developed battery industry, in turn feeding into the demand for electric vehicles, which is predicted to increase by 30 times up to 2050. The EU is the main export market for UK cars. In 2027, EU rules of origin will come into force, mandating that 65% of the value of a battery must originate in the EU or UK, or there will be significant additional costs. Developing domestic industry will keep our exports compliant with those rules and will keep us protected against any other rules on environmental credentials. Let us consider the critical mineral resources that the UK possesses. From my own constituency in the heart of Cornwall to Pembrokeshire in Wales, County Durham, Cumbria, County Tyrone in Northern Ireland and the central highlands of Aberdeenshire, the UK is littered with critical mineral potential. Most significantly for the green transition, we find reserves of lithium, tin and tungsten in economically viable quantities. We should also appreciate that those key areas have been mined historically and are all areas of significant socioeconomic deprivation. If we can create an environment for a domestic industry, there is significant potential for wealth to be held in those communities in the form of good, well-paid jobs. I would like to discuss the particular opportunities in Cornwall, with which I am most familiar.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Critical Minerals: Domestic Production · Hansard source

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  Thank you again, Mrs Harris, for chairing the debate. I thank all hon. Members who have participated. My hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland (Luke Myer) made excellent points about the critical minerals list. My hon. Friend the Member for Bournemouth East (Tom Hayes) highlighted the importance of critical minerals for green economic transition. My hon. Friend the Member for St Austell and Newquay (Noah Law) unsurprisingly banged the drum for lithium in the clay country, but also importantly highlighted the supply chain insecurity that forms the basis of the debate. The hon. Member for St Ives (Andrew George) commented on working with local conservationists. Further to the example he gave, I draw his attention to the Red River in my constituency, where water being removed from South Crofty mine is being cleaned, with the alkaline content altered slightly, and then pumped back into the river to improve the quality of the water and the ecology. I also draw his attention to modern smelting practices, which are completely transformed and do not have the same levels of environmental risk as they did back in their heyday. It is unrealistic to expect domestic resources to meet all the UK’s demand for critical minerals. I do not seek to suggest that we can. What I advocate, and will continue to work towards, is the maximisation of what we have. We must build industry to improve the security of the supply chain, underpin our energy transition in a responsible and environmentally-friendly way, improve our export position, and provide good, well-paid, long-term jobs for local communities across some of the most deprived areas of the UK. We cannot afford to wait. If we do, the opportunity will pass us by. Supporting this industry today will ensure that it becomes a beacon of success for the UK economy. On the other hand, failure to support the industry now exposes us to a multitude of risks. Unquestionably, critical minerals are central to the Government’s overall economic ambitions, and I am delighted to support those ambitions in any way I can. I thank the shadow Minister for his exhibition of whataboutery in introducing pylons and the OZEV mandate into the debate. I think this debate is a little bit more important than whataboutery. I simply ask him whether he admits that the UK is over-reliant on and vulnerable to foreign supply. What on earth have the previous Government been doing for the last 14 years? I thank the Minister for her commitment to critical mineral production, and for the time she has given to allow me and others to explain the opportunities that exist in our communities. I am delighted that a critical mineral steering group has been established, and I conclude by thanking again all Members who have participated in the debate. Question put and agreed to. Resolved, That this House has considered the domestic production of critical minerals.