Llinos Medi MP: speeches

Speeches

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship. Ms Furniss. I rise to speak to amendment 6, tabled in my name. The amendment would amend clause 3, which relates to the regard of sustainable development that the Crown Estate commissioners must have when undertaking their activities. It would require the commissioners to set sustainable development objectives for their activities and require them to have regard for UK-wide legislation, such as the Climate Change Act 2008 and the Environment Act 2021. I note that is also the intention of amendment 8. In addition, amendment 6 would require regard for devolved legislation in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. For Wales, that would include the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015 and the Environment (Wales) Act 2016. Shockingly, child poverty in Wales is set to reach its highest rate in 30 years by the end of this decade, with more than 34% of children living in low-income families. That is 5% up on the current rate, and means that around 32,000 more children in Wales could be pushed into poverty. The activities of the Welsh Crown Estate could be geared towards helping to address rising child poverty by having regard to the seven wellbeing goals of the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act, such as to develop a more equal, prosperous and resilient Wales. More broadly, this amendment draws inspiration from measures within the Scottish Crown Estate Act 2019, which legislates to ensure that management of the Scottish Crown Estate’s assets is done so that it is likely to contribute to economic development, regeneration and social and environmental wellbeing. The Crown Estate manages a huge amount of land and natural assets. It is only right that it works with existing devolved legislation across all nations to meet sustainable and wellbeing goals, and to do so by fulfilling clear objectives. I urge the Government to incorporate this aim into the Bill.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  The new clause places a duty on the Treasury to transfer management of the Crown Estate in Wales to the Welsh Government within two years of the commencement of the Bill. This would correct the glaring imbalance in the constitutional settlement of the UK whereby Wales is unable to direct and benefit from its own natural resources in the way that Scotland can. There is an overwhelming majority in favour of devolving the Welsh Crown Estate; it has been called for by the independent commission on the constitutional future of Wales, the national infrastructure commission for Wales and the Labour Welsh Government. I note, sadly, that the Welsh Government have failed to submit any written evidence in favour of devolution to this Committee. Half of all Welsh councils have passed motions calling for the devolution of the Crown Estate, with more preparing motions for the coming weeks and months. Devolution is also supported by 58% of the population of Wales, according to the latest polling—a clear majority. The Government have argued consistently that devolution of the Crown Estate would “fragment the market”. I note that that is the same position as the previous Conservative Government, which is why the former Labour Secretary of State for Wales, Lord Hain, was right when he said, during the Lords Bill Committee, that this position “reflects old, centralised, conservative, anti-devolution Whitehall thinking.” —[ Official Report, House of Lords, 14 October 2024; Vol. 840, c. 18.] Scotland is also a proof of concept that a devolved Crown Estate does not impede investment or fragment the market. If there can be a smooth and orderly transition of the management of the Crown Estate to Scotland, why not the same for Wales? On Second Reading in the Commons, the Government argued that devolution would complicate existing processes and potentially delay grid connectivity reform, as well as the further development of offshore energy. Let me take those points in turn. First, with proper planning and a guarantee by the UK, working with the Welsh Government, to protect reserved interests, including the national grid, it would reduce the risk of impediments to ongoing reforms. That is why new clause 5 includes provision to ensure that the Treasury acts to secure reserved matters, such as the national grid, as part of the transfer of the management of the Welsh Crown Estate to the Welsh Government. Secondly, on the potential further delays to offshore development in Wales, a devolved Welsh Crown Estate creates the opportunity for it to be strategically integrated into the planning of sub-sectors, including offshore wind in Wales. Looking again at Scotland, devolution has allowed for greater alignment between marine energy planning and licensing for renewable energy projects, such as offshore wind. With a devolved Crown Estate, the Scottish Government have taken a sectoral marine planning approach for offshore wind. They have made a specific plan for offshore wind development that provides the strategic frameworks for seabed leasing for commercial-scale offshore wind by Crown Estate Scotland. While England, Wales and Northern Ireland will have various forms of marine plans that the Crown Estate must have regard to, they cover a wide variety of policy areas and are not sector-specific. The Welsh Government have a number of other areas that overlap with the responsibility of the Crown Estate in conducting early development of offshore wind. Those include their devolved responsibility over Welsh ports and responsibility for education in Wales, including skills and apprenticeships. These are crucial for the development of robust local supply chains for offshore wind projects. Wales could integrate a devolved Welsh Crown Estate into Welsh devolved plans and responsibilities, leading to a more strategic and joined-up approach to offshore development. In this way, devolving the Crown Estate is about not just profits from renewable licensing, but driving economic development in Wales. That would surely be a more attractive proposition to developers. The Government cannot continue to hide behind the excuse that devolution creates uncertainty. Yes, devolution will mean change.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I note that since 2021 the net revenue profit and asset value data for Wales has not been published by the Crown Estate. The Crown Estate says that the reason for this is that: “While in the past, we have produced illustrative figures for Wales, we have since shifted our focus to a more holistic approach to assessing value and increasing our investment, and we realise that such figures are not a fair reflection of value. The previous Wales numbers we published have not included a cost allocation.” In an answer from September 2024 to my written question asking about the merits of producing regular disaggregated assets and revenue data for Wales, the Government said: “To achieve efficiency in its operations, the Crown Estate runs many of its functions at a whole enterprise level. As a result, separate financial statements for Wales would not reflect the fact that expenditure is incurred for the benefit of the whole portfolio, and it is not possible to disaggregate net revenue profit attributable to Wales.” I also note that the Government accepted an amendment to the Bill in the House of Lords to include national commissioners for England, Wales and Northern Ireland on the board of the Crown Estate. The amendment also grants Welsh Ministers and the Executive Office in Northern Ireland the right to be consulted about the Welsh and Northern Irish appointments. Therefore, can the Government outline how these national commissioners will be able to advise on the affairs of each respective nation if there is no process by which the Crown Estate can measure and delineate the profits and costs incurred separately in England, Wales and Northern Ireland? New clause 7 would address this gap by requiring annual reporting of both asset value and revenue across all nations under the Crown Estate, and by doing so, it would require the Crown Estate to develop a way to measure asset value and revenue in a consistent manner. I hope the Government will accept this amendment to strengthen the ability of national commissioners to fulfil their intended role to advise and act in the interests of the nations they represent on the Crown Estate board. I turn to new clause 8. Under the current arrangements, many public bodies, such as local authorities, pay lease fees to the Crown Estate simply to lease the land in their own area. However, details of these are not routinely published. In response to my written question in October 2024, the Government noted that, “Publishing details of those fees would risk prejudicing the commercial interests of both The Crown Estate and the local authorities involved.” However, local authorities are able and willing to provide this information through freedom of information requests. These FOIs have revealed that in 2023 local authorities in Wales paid fees amounting to well over £300,000 a year. At a time when council budgets are under enormous pressure, how can these fees be justified? This is public money that vital council services such as housing, education and social care are being deprived of. We should be having a debate on the merits of these fees. This has to start with total transparency and a full account of what is being charged and where. That is why I have tabled new clause 8, which requires the Crown Estate to publish in its annual accounts a list of all lease agreements it has with public bodies in Wales, England and Northern Ireland, including each lease’s name and valuation. I ask the Government to support my new clause for the sake of transparency and to agree that, where public money is being spent, the public should be able to see where this money is going. New clause 9 is similar to new clause 8. It would require that the Crown Estate commissioners report separately for England, Wales and Northern Ireland, and that the devolved legislatures have these reports laid before them. The Crown Estate already produces highlights reports for Wales and Northern Ireland. This amendment would place this type of reporting on a statutory footing by ensuring that these reports are made available to both the Senedd and the Northern Ireland Assembly, and would allow for greater transparency and engagement between the Crown Estate and the devolved legislatures. Diolch.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  For clarification, does that plan not include Scotland, which has already been devolved?

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for those comments; I will come back on a few of them. This debate is about fairness. We are asking for fairness and equity for Wales, and parity with Scotland. It is important to give a bit of history. Our natural resources in Wales have been extracted from our communities yet, as I mentioned earlier, by the end of this decade 34% of children in Wales will live in poverty. If the money we are discussing was spent back in Welsh communities, it would have a dramatic effect.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, that the Clause be read a Second time. The new clause would require the Crown Estate commissioners to transfer all profits generated by the Crown Estate in Wales to the Welsh Government on an annual basis. Although figures for the profits generated in recent years by the Welsh Crown Estate are not available, the figures from across the whole Crown Estate show that overall profits have increased dramatically. Since 2021, there has been a 408% increase in Crown Estate profits and therefore the profits from Wales have likely seen a similar level of increase. Even if one accepted the Government’s argument that devolution of the management of the Crown Estate would involve too much risk, that does not justify profits generated on assets in Wales not remaining in Wales. Therefore, will the Government outline whether they support the principle that all profits generated through Welsh natural resources should be kept in Wales, as is the case with Scotland? Some argue that Wales would not benefit financially from the devolved Crown Estate given the impact on the devolved Welsh budget. However, the Scottish model already demonstrates how profits from the Welsh Crown Estate could interact with the devolved Welsh budget. In Scotland, all profits from the Scottish Crown Estate are paid into the Scottish Consolidated Fund and redistributed for public spending. These profits interact with the Scottish block grant adjustment mechanism, which was agreed with the Treasury under the 2016 Scottish fiscal agreement. The mechanism removes a portion of the block grant as the profits from the Scottish Crown Estate increase, to avoid Scotland gaining twice over. That is due to the Scottish budget benefiting from a Barnett share of the expenditure in England, supported by Crown Estate revenues arising from England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Crown Estate Scotland has estimated that net revenue profits in 2023-24 will be £113.5 million. The current reduction to the Scottish block grant under the adjustment mechanism will be £10 million, which should result in an estimated usable revenue from the Crown Estate Scotland for the Scottish Government of £103.5 million. If Wales followed a similar approach to Scotland, it would likely gain additional revenues from the Crown Estate and would have only a small proportion removed from its block grant in return. That would occur through a Welsh block grant adjustment mechanism to be negotiated between the Welsh Government and the Treasury. Will the Government look at opening discussions with the Welsh Government on retaining profits in Wales and establishing a fair block grant adjustment mechanism to account for rising profits over time? It would be up to the Welsh Government to decide what to do with the money from the Crown Estate. Plaid Cymru has proposed targeting investment into deprived communities in rural Wales and our deindustrialised valleys, and using the money to develop a Welsh sovereign wealth fund. However, that is not within the scope of the new clause. I hope the Government will listen and agree to the new clause, thereby endorsing the principle that profits generated in Wales should remain in Wales.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  That is why we have asked for a two-year approach, so that we can work together. It has happened in Scotland and it is possible. I think it is only fair that we ask the new UK Government, who want to devolve local authorities and regions in England, for devolution of the Crown Estate in Wales as well. It was another Labour Secretary of State, Ron Davies, who said: “Devolution is a process. It is not an event and neither is it a journey with a fixed end point. The devolution process is enabling us to make our own decisions and set our own priorities, that is the important point.” I urge this Labour Government to heed those words and support my amendment to devolve the Crown Estate to Wales.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  This is a leadership discussion—it is about the leadership we are asking the Government to show in giving Wales the fairness it deserves. We are asking for clarity around public money. I am a bit concerned that there should be a commercially sensitive discussion around public money, which is meant to be transparent. We can get it through freedom of information requests, so it should be easy to collate that information so that the people of Wales and across the United Kingdom can see how their local authorities are spending their money on the Crown Estate and where that is spent afterwards. In addition, I am unclear about the role of the commissioners. The information that we are asking for in these new clauses would strengthen the role of the commissioners and give them the ability to fulfil their role for the benefit of those regions whose concerns they are there to voice. I will press this matter to a vote. Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I am unsure how the Minister can say that we would not receive any profits when the Government cannot work out what profits Wales generates. It feels a bit difficult to understand that argument. I am fighting the corner for fairness for Wales. We have lost all our natural resources and that has been feeding the UK machine. Unfortunately, we are seeing poverty on the rise and deindustrialisation in communities. The new clause would see the profits that are generated given back to those communities, to be spent in those communities and on their future. Question put , That the clause be read a Second time.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Agricultural Property Relief · Hansard source

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  Tenant farmers on Ynys Môn are expected to be impacted by the change to APR because landowners there will have no option but to sell their farms to cover the additional cost. The landowners have a good relationship with their tenants but they have no choice but to sell, leaving generational farmers to lose their homes, businesses and future, with long-lasting effects on the rural community. Does my hon. Friend agree that the realities of agriculture in Wales, including for tenant farmers, must be fully considered by the UK Government in a Wales-specific impact assessment?

• 27 Jan 2025 · Fiscal Policy: Defence Spending · Hansard source

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  A trained and skilled workforce is central to a successful defence policy, and I saw that at first hand during my visit to RAF Valley, where I met Babcock apprentices who attend Grŵp Llandrillo Menai. The Babcock programme supports young people to develop skills, so can I ask the Secretary of State to ensure that any increase in defence spending includes significant investment in training and apprenticeships?

• 23 Jan 2025 · Holocaust Memorial Day · Hansard source

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  Diolch, Dirprwy Lefarydd. It is a privilege to be here, hearing words of kindness and joining with others against hate on the day when we remember one of our worst times in history. This year marks the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz-Birkenau, and the 30th anniversary of the genocide in Bosnia. As we look back and reflect on those horrors, we remember the stories of those who fell victim to unspeakable crimes, and take lessons from history. The theme of this year’s Holocaust Memorial Day is “For a better future”; as we consider what it means to build a better future, we must all look at what can be done to create a future that is no longer blighted by prejudice. Recent figures show that there is much work to be done to fulfil that promise. Eighty years on from the liberation of Auschwitz-Birkenau, religious hate crimes in England and Wales are at a record high. Home Office statistics show a 25% increase in religious hate crimes in the year to March 2024. In October, the monitoring group Tell MAMA UK said it had recorded 4,971 incidents of anti-Muslim hate between October ’23 and September ’24—the highest annual total in the past 14 years—while the Community Security Trust recorded 1,978 reports of anti-Jewish hate incidents from January to June 2024, up from 964 in the first half of 2023. The rise in these appalling hate crimes is a cause of deep concern, and all those who have been the victim of these crimes deserve our friendship and solidarity. Among those murdered in the Holocaust was Helene Melanie Lebel. Born to a Jewish father and a Catholic mother in Vienna and known affectionately as Helly, she loved to swim and go to the opera. After finishing her secondary education, she entered law school. At 19, she began showing signs of a mental health condition and was forced to give up her law studies and work, and was later diagnosed as schizophrenic. A year later, she became one of the thousands of mentally and physically disabled people murdered in the Brandenburg killing centre. After the second world war, many ordinary Germans and Europeans claimed that they were not involved in the events of the Holocaust—that they were bystanders. Their indifference teaches us that passively remembering the Holocaust is not enough. We must continue to learn from and listen to the stories of the victims and the survivors—the Jewish, the disabled, and the gay men and women whose lives were ended because the Nazis decided that they did not deserve to exist. As we look to the future, it is incumbent on all of us parliamentarians to speak out against genocide denial and distortion. We must forcefully speak out against prejudice and hate wherever it is found, whether here in Parliament or in our communities. Holocaust Memorial Day is a reminder to all of us that the fight against prejudice and intolerance must never cease. Only by continuing this fight, in memory of Helly and the millions who died as she did, can we secure a better future.

• 22 Jan 2025 · Competition and Markets Authority Chairman · Hansard source

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  Diolch, Llefarydd. The Government say that the CMA’s chair had failed to convince them that he was sufficiently focused on growth, but at the same time, reports suggest that the Government plan to freeze all rail spending except for on three projects in England. A lack of transport funding is stifling growth in the Welsh economy. To prove his commitment to growth, will the Minister outline the transport funding that his Government have committed to Wales?

• 7 Jan 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  The Crown Estate owns 65% of Wales’s foreshore and riverbeds, and more than 50,000 acres of land. Recent rising demand for renewable energy projects has resulted in the value of the land sky-rocketing. In 2007, the asset value of the Crown Estate in Wales was £21.1 million, and in 2023 this reached £853 million. Correspondingly, profits generated from these assets have also increased. Net revenue profit across the Crown Estate rose from £345 million in 2020 to £1.1 billion in 2024. Profits generated from Wales’s natural resources are, however, not retained for the Welsh public purse; instead they leave Wales and are sent to the Treasury and the sovereign grant. In contrast, in Scotland the Crown Estate is devolved and profits from Scottish natural resources are transferred to the Scottish Government. In 2024 the sum was estimated to be a record £108.3 million. How can the Government justify Welsh profits being sent to the Treasury and the monarch when in Scotland they are held back and put back into the Scottish purse? The situation is worse than that, with Welsh councils having to pay lease fees simply to use the land which is owned by the Crown Estate. In 2023 the sum was nearly £300,000. With huge pressures on council budgets, how can that be justified? In the age of coal, Wales saw a huge extraction of wealth from our communities. In 2025, Wales is now experiencing a similar process of extraction of our green wealth.

• 7 Jan 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I will come on to that, too, because as an energy champion for my constituents for many years I am fully aware that we do not want any delay but there is a way of working that through slowly while also benefiting from Scotland’s experience. Plaid Cymru has been leading the calls for devolution of the Crown Estate for many years, and in July 2023 the Senedd passed a Plaid Cymru motion calling for the devolution of the management of the Crown Estate to the Welsh Government. Only through the devolution of the Crown Estate can the people of Wales have democratic control over their natural resources. Plaid Cymru will be bringing forward an amendment to devolve the Crown Estate to Wales. Although we will be looking to engage constructively with the Government, including on how to support the Welsh Government, the Crown Estate and energy developers to prepare for devolution, they cannot simply ignore the direction of travel. There is an overwhelming consensus in Wales for devolution. It is supported by the Welsh Labour Government and the independent commission on the constitutional future of Wales as well as 58% of the people of Wales. It is time for the Government to listen and devolve the Crown Estate to Wales.

• 7 Jan 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I will come on to answer that question and perhaps show a pragmatic way of working forward. As I said, in 2025 Wales is now experiencing a similar process of extraction of our green wealth and we cannot let this happen. As in Scotland, it is for the people of Wales to have control and derive the benefit from all profits generated from our own resources. However, the Bill makes no mention of devolving the Crown Estate to Wales despite the fact that the new investment and borrowing powers under the Bill may allow the Crown Estate to generate £100 million more a year in profits for the Treasury. None of this will be retained by the Welsh Government. In the other place, Lord Hain’s amendment, supported by Plaid Cymru, has ensured that there will be Welsh representation on the Crown Estate board. While we welcome that as a step forward it still does not address the fact that membership of the Crown Estate board is largely outside of democratic control as it is the monarch who appoints the commissioners who make investment and borrowing decisions, not Parliament or the Senedd.

• 6 Jan 2025 · Health and Adult Social Care Reform · Hansard source

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  During 14 years of austerity, the NHS has been starved of the resources it badly needs. Four months ago, the Secretary of State for Wales made a big announcement about cross-border NHS partnership to tackle waiting lists; however, the First Minister of Wales later poured cold water over the idea, and today’s plan for England does not mention Wales. Was this so-called partnership ever real, or was it just another empty promise?

• 19 Dec 2024 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I wish you, Madam Deputy Speaker, and all a Nadolig llawen—merry Christmas. The Leader of the House will be aware of the challenges facing Welsh farmers. Around 30% of Welsh agricultural land is rented. Changes made to the agricultural property relief in the autumn Budget will force the sale of family tenancy farms on Ynys Môn, displacing generational farming. It is disappointing that no Wales-specific impact assessment has been made. Can we have a debate in Government time on the Budget’s impact on Welsh farming?

• 19 Dec 2024 · Christmas Adjournment · Hansard source

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  I believe that the Government should be holding a debate on the UK-wide impact of the closure of the port of Holyhead. Although ports in Wales are a matter for the Welsh Government, international trade is a matter reserved to the UK Government, and Holyhead’s strategic location is key to the UK economy. Westminster cannot ignore this issue. The port sustained serious damage in the aftermath of Storm Darragh, and all sailings have been cancelled until 15 January at the very earliest. The storm brought gusts of up to 94 mph and caused enormous disruption to the port, which provides the main sea route between north Wales and Ireland and is the UK’s second busiest roll-on roll-off port. Its closure just before Christmas has had a direct impact on livelihoods and businesses on the island: the sudden ending of freight traffic means that businesses have seen their work vanish overnight. This is pushing local businesses to breaking point. The owners of Royalty Recruitment, a family-run business, told me that they had had to let 10 brand-new staff members go, three of whom had only recently joined them. Holyhead Truck Service is another local business that has been affected; it has seen its work dry up completely, as 40% of its annual income is from mechanical work for Irish companies. This time of the year would usually be the busiest period for these businesses, but now they are facing huge job cuts and reduced demand owing to the closure of the port. The sudden loss of income is unsustainable for many businesses, and job losses will push families into financial hardship, leaving them struggling to pay their bills. In a statement earlier this week, the Secretary of State for Wales did not announce any direct support from the UK Government to address the crisis. I am certain that if we were talking about the Port of Dover or an airport in London being closed for at least a whole month, there would be a huge effort to get the site open again and to support the thousands of supply-chain jobs affected, but so far Holyhead has been treated as an afterthought. The UK Government must recognise the huge impact that the closure of the port will have not only on trade—given that total UK exports to Ireland amount to £54 billion and that Ireland is the UK’s third largest export partner—but on the livelihoods of the people of Ynys Môn and north Wales. They should set up a hardship fund to support businesses and families directly affected by the closure, as well as those involved in the supply chain. The funding should be directed towards the council and third sector organisations that are best placed to offer financial and other support to those struggling. The port operator says that the earliest the port may open is 15 January. However, that is with weather permitting, and I fear that more cold and stormy weather at this time of year will push the date back. Once the port reopens, the damage done to the local economy will take time to heal. Decisive action by both the UK and Welsh Governments is needed to minimise the damage and the suffering that people will be feeling. As climate change fuels more violent storms, the Port of Holyhead will be vulnerable to closure again. The Chair of the Welsh Affairs Committee, the hon. Member for Newport West and Islwyn (Ruth Jones), has joined my calls for support for businesses. She wrote to the Secretary of State for Business and Trade yesterday to seek an update on the support that the UK Government are providing to get the port back up and running, and to all businesses and employees impacted by the closure. The Government must step up and provide the emergency funding needed to get us through this difficult period of time.

• 17 Dec 2024 · Energy Security · Hansard source

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  Despite lifting the onshore wind ban in England, the clean power action plan shows that, by 2030, 8,600 MW of onshore wind will be needed in England and Wales, 5,000 MW of which will be mainly in Wales, with bits in England. Can the Secretary of State outline exactly how Wales will be benefiting from this huge ramp up in onshore wind, rather than the benefits being extracted out of Wales?

• 17 Dec 2024 · Women’s State Pension Age Communication: PHSO Report · Hansard source

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  Today’s announcement is a huge blow to 1950s-born women affected by state pension changes, who have campaigned tirelessly for justice and accountability, including on the maladministration that the Secretary of State has admitted took place. She promised jobs, homes and opportunities in her statement, but given that one affected woman dies every 13 minutes, can she explain exactly how that will benefit 1950s-born retired women?

• 11 Dec 2024 · Clean Energy Projects · Hansard source

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  Steel is a key component of developing clean energy projects. In response to my written question, the Government confirmed that they have estimated the cost of nationalising British Steel to safeguard the plant’s future. Can the Secretary of State explain why the Government did that for British Steel but dismissed nationalisation in the case of Port Talbot?

• 10 Dec 2024 · Storm Darragh · Hansard source

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  Storm damage in Holyhead has led to severe disruption to the second busiest roll-on, roll-off port in the UK, with ferries to Ireland being cancelled. This weekend also saw the closure of the Britannia bridge to all vehicles. The vulnerability of Ynys Môn’s connection to the mainland has been of concern for several years, with access to our main hospital at risk. What assurance can the Minister give me that island communities, such my constituency of Ynys Môn, will be safeguarded from extreme weather in the future?