Jayne Kirkham MP: speeches

Speeches

• 24 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I was on the Bill Committee and I have followed the Bill throughout, mainly because I represent Truro and Falmouth, which has huge potential to benefit from floating offshore wind, with Falmouth docks and our position in the Celtic sea. If the build-out in the Celtic sea is done quickly and done well, our young people will benefit from good, well-paid jobs in a strong local supply chain. I also want to mention the CBI report published today, which shows how the green economy has grown three times faster and has higher wages than the national average across the board. We in Falmouth could really do with some of that, so I welcome this Bill.

• 24 Feb 2025 · Bank Closures: Rural Areas · Hansard source

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  Falmouth is to have a banking hub. We are losing our last bank; Lloyds is going at the end of the year. The interesting thing about that is that the banking hub will be open 9 to 5, five days a week—and potentially even more—whereas the banks were very slowly cutting their opening hours after covid, and it was hard to find a bank outside school hours. That of course did not help rural businesses, which could not get there in time.

• 12 Feb 2025 · Energy Infrastructure: Chinese Companies · Hansard source

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  Does the Minister agree that, after the real neglect of our energy infrastructure for the past 14 years, setting up GB Energy to help UK ownership of energy production can only be a good thing, and that our investment in critical minerals, particularly in Cornwall, and in the supply chain for floating offshore wind will be crucial for our national security?

• 10 Feb 2025 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  As the Minister pointed out earlier, the Royal Fleet Auxiliary Service has taken a prominent role in protecting our subsea infrastructure. I welcome the settlement of the RFA pay dispute. Will that help the Minister to tackle the recruitment and retention crisis that saw numbers of RFA seafarers fall by 30% under the previous Government?

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  The Crown Estate, until now, has made decisions on the leasing of the seabed based mainly on price and cost and nothing else. This Bill will change that by asking commissioners to “keep under review the impact of their activities on…sustainable development”. Amendment 1 simply clarifies “sustainable development” and slightly expands on what that means for, for example, net zero targets and economic growth. I ask the Minister to consider that and to assure us that that is what the Bill is intended to do, and that it will be the progress and direction of the Crown Estate.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  The Crown Estate has started to consult, and is publishing plans before it takes decisions about where to put floating offshore wind stations, for example. Can the Minister assure us that that will be the case in the future, and that when the Crown Estate is planning to build out in the ocean, there will be consultation with fishermen and environmentalists? I think that is the intention, as discussed on Second Reading.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  As my hon. Friend the Member for St Austell and Newquay partially explained, there is an issue relating to, for example, the Celtic sea, where the Crown Estate has great interest in floating offshore wind. That lies between Wales, Cornwall and the south-west, so where would the line be drawn? It would open up a huge number of complexities that would be very difficult to solve.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Support for Female Offenders · Hansard source

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  4. What steps her Department is taking to support female offenders.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Support for Female Offenders · Hansard source

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  Gaie Delap, the mother of a constituent of mine, was recalled to prison just before Christmas, despite complying with her curfew conditions, because the Government’s electronic monitoring services contractor could not fulfil its contract and find a tag to fit a frail 78-year-old woman. Can the Minister and the Secretary of State help to find a solution so that Gaie Delap can be released on her curfew, and so that women are not disadvantaged by the failings of the contractor’s electronic monitoring system?

• 27 Jan 2025 · Creative Industries · Hansard source

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  From murals on beachside walks to a thriving Cornish film industry, and from a town-council-owned art gallery, theatre and library, to live music, including the biggest international shanty festival in the world, during which the population of Falmouth triples, we are blessed with the creative arts in Truro and Falmouth. They are all around us, all the time, but none of that would exist and impact our lives in such a positive or poignant way were it not for education in the creative arts. The world-class Falmouth University grew out of a 100-year-old art school with a strategic focus on creativity and technology. The campus on Woodlane is historic. Alumni include visual artist Tacita Dean and British sculptor Hew Locke. It leads the world in digital games design—I thought it did, although it seems that so do Guildford and Hartlepool —as well as fashion design, film, costumes and many other things. Art is all around us in Falmouth, and we should celebrate the role it plays in our lives and our economy. I welcome the inclusion of the creative industries among the UK’s eight growth sectors in the Government’s recent industrial strategy. It is brilliant that the creative industries are recognised for the economic driver that they are. In 2022, as many have said—it bears repeating—Britain’s creative industries generated £125 billion, which accounts for almost 6% of the UK economy and represents nearly 2.5 million jobs. They contribute more than £8 billion to the UK economy every year. Our globally loved art scene has a huge impact on the tourism economy. One in 10 tourists to the UK visited a theatre, for example, and theatres sell 34 million tickets a year across the UK. As well as the recently beautifully renovated Hall for Cornwall and the Princess Pavilion, which is also owned by Falmouth town council, in Cornwall we have the Minack, a famous open-air theatre carved into the granite cliffs overlooking Porthcurno bay. In the summer months, it is not uncommon for the dolphins to interrupt Shakespeare. None of those things would be possible were it not for creative arts education at school, and in higher education institutions such as Falmouth University. A creative education has many positives for students. Not only does it allow them to create, but the long-term skills gained from an arts education, such as critical thinking and problem-solving, impact on other industries, such as tech and digital media. That drives economic growth. Falmouth leads the way in AI; Engineered Arts is building increasingly complex robots by the sea, and it is trying to grow, despite the lack of industrial space in the area. As we see in Cornwall, creative arts are a regional growth driver. Cornwall is teeming with small and medium-sized enterprises and one-man bands that stimulate the independent sector and the growth of the whole area. That can be a vital lifeline for areas that struggle with deprivation, as Cornwall does. As we see in Truro and Falmouth, creativity hubs revitalise regions, bringing in the visitors that we need so much. Take the example of the growth of the Hall for Cornwall: our theatre has spread tentacles across the rest of the Duchy, attracting would-be actors and writers who want to get involved in the creative arts, but do not often have the opportunity. In my constituency, we have the Poly, the Princess Pavilion and brilliant grassroots venues such as the Cornish Bank, the Old Bakery Studios and the Chintz, where musicians who are learning go to practice their art. The Minister has mentioned the venue levy; that will be vital for them. We are also building premises for a community radio station in the park with shared prosperity funding. That shows just how important the arts are to Falmouth. People come to us for the arts. However, that funding is not guaranteed and is no longer directed at plugging the gaps in local authority and national funding for arts and culture in our area. I would love creativity to become a bigger part of the national curriculum, so that the arts have the prominent place that they should for students of all ages. STEAM—science, technology, engineering, arts and maths—puts the creativity of the arts alongside science and tech, where it belongs. Art is everywhere, but it does not come from thin air. Like all other endeavours, creative endeavours require financial support, and that funding should not be piecemeal and only urban, but must be integrated into the wider industrial strategy, and form part of a long-term regional art strategy that reaches all the way to places like Cornwall. The arts also require universal enthusiasm and long-term education. As we see in Falmouth, it is well worth the investment.

• 23 Jan 2025 · Public Procurement: Reform · Hansard source

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  15. What steps he is taking to reform public procurement.

• 23 Jan 2025 · Public Procurement: Reform · Hansard source

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  I am so pleased to hear about the national procurement policy statement next month. As well as encouraging buying British, there are huge opportunities to use procurement to encourage growth and local supply chains, such as in floating offshore wind in Cornwall, as well as in other industries. Will the Minister confirm that there will be a bold procurement policy that will ensure economic growth in every corner of our country, even as far down as Cornwall?

• 22 Jan 2025 · Certificate of Common Sponsorship · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Poole (Neil Duncan-Jordan) for securing a debate on this issue. We both attended Unison’s lobby of Parliament last year, and met migrant health and social care workers on tier 2 visas. Some of the employment practices they had been subjected to were appalling. I completely understand their push for a certificate of common sponsorship. As highlighted by other Members, existing rules that tie a worker to a single employer create a relationship of dependency and a highly unequal power dynamic. Many health and social care workers on sponsorship visas are afraid to express concerns about their employment and living conditions for fear of losing their employer’s sponsorship and being returned to their home country. Often, such workers are in a financially precarious situation, which increases their dependency. Some have been charged by their employer for their job induction, travel or training costs; some have their families with them, too, and in some cases workers receive a salary below the minimum wage to make up the cost of their flights or their training. A concern repeatedly raised with me by healthcare workers on sponsorship visas in my constituency relates to shift patterns and hours. One constituent described starting work at 5 am and returning home at 10 pm, only to have worked for less than five hours due to the nature of his shifts, which he found financially and emotionally draining. Women might be sitting all day at bus stops and on benches in Cornish villages between their shifts, because their shift pattern has been so difficult to accommodate. Another constituent described employers threatening their staff about taking days off, and the expectation that migrant workers would always have to work bank holidays such as Christmas day. Unison has reported workers doing 19-hour shifts with no breaks, and the council in my area has revoked contracts with some providers for those reasons. Even in circumstances where workers are not facing poor employment or living conditions, care is still one of the most precarious sectors in the UK, including in Cornwall, where firms regularly go under or have their licences revoked. Healthcare workers who came to the UK on sponsorship visas then only have 60 days to find another job with an eligible social care employer, or they have to leave the country. That short timescale creates stress, uncertainty and financial hardship, which one of my constituents experienced when their sponsoring company’s licence was revoked. Some workers in my constituency have gone on to work for the NHS, but having the visas transferred has been incredibly difficult and stressful, even with such a big employer. A certificate of common sponsorship that is sector-wide, perhaps including health and social care and the NHS, rather than being linked to a single employer, would go a long way to addressing the issues we have all mentioned. It would prevent employers using the threat to withdraw sponsorship as a means of keeping migrant workers in poor living and working conditions, and it would improve job security and financial stability for those workers. That would help retain the desperately needed skilled professionals in the care sector.

• 20 Jan 2025 · House Building Targets · Hansard source

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  We have a number of schemes for social housing in Cornwall that rely on the affordable homes programme that ends in 2026. Can the Secretary of State confirm that there will not be a gap in the provision of funding so that the provision of those homes can continue?

• 16 Jan 2025 · Small Music Venues · Hansard source

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  5. What steps her Department is taking to support small music venues.

• 16 Jan 2025 · Small Music Venues · Hansard source

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  I have a number of crucial small venues in my constituency, including the Cornish Bank, the Chintz Bar, the Old Bakery and the Princess Pavilion, to name just a few. They are vital for the cultural ecosystem of Cornwall; they foster new talent and bring bands from outside the county down to us. I am pleased to hear that the Minister is considering a scheme in which larger venues contribute part of their takings to smaller venues. He said it would be voluntary, but if that did not work, would he consider a mandatory scheme, and what would be the timeline? Can he confirm that the business rates scheme will be formulated to support small venues from 2026?

• 16 Jan 2025 · Water (Special Measures) Bill [ Lords ] (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Is it not the case that the water companies used to have more power to object? Did they have a veto which the previous Government removed? Do they now have to cope with whatever the planning authority decides?

• 16 Jan 2025 · Water (Special Measures) Bill [ Lords ] (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Does the hon. Member agree that it is lucky that within six months we will have the Cunliffe review, which will look in great depth at ownership, regulation and everything to do with the water industry? Maybe this is something that we could take further at that stage.

• 16 Jan 2025 · Marine Renewables Industry · Hansard source

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  I have a question about the Crown Estate and the devolution of it. How would that work in the Celtic sea, where Cornwall would obviously benefit a great deal from some of the floating offshore wind in other installations there?

• 16 Jan 2025 · Marine Renewables Industry · Hansard source

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  I thank the right hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr Carmichael) for securing this important debate, which is of great interest to me as an MP from Cornwall and co-chair of the all-party parliamentary group for the Celtic sea. I will probably replicate some points that have been made but it is telling that we are all calling for similar things, so I will say a little more about some of the industry’s asks. Cornwall is ideally placed to play a leading role in the development of the marine renewables industries. We have 400 miles of coast, strong tides, south-westerly winds and proximity to the Celtic sea. We are in a prime location for offshore wind and tidal stream energy. The port of Falmouth in my constituency could service floating offshore wind turbines, and Truro and Falmouth is home to world-leading businesses such as Inyanga and Tugdock, which are at the forefront of marine renewables innovation. However, the tidal and wave industries, like floating offshore wind in the Celtic sea, need support from the Government and particularly ringfencing for AR7, to which I will return. As hon. Members have noted, tidal stream is a highly reliable method of energy generation because it is unaffected by weather, offers a stable energy supply and complements other more intermittent renewable sources, such as wind and solar. It also presents a number of benefits to UK jobs, supply chains and energy security. Tidal stream projects are being deployed with over 80% UK supply chain content, which is a much higher percentage than for some other renewable technologies. However, tidal and wave are smaller, less-developed industries than solar or fixed offshore wind. Tidal energy currently forms less than 0.01% of the UK’s electricity generation, but the UK Marine Energy Council says that it has the potential to meet over 10% of demand. I welcome the Government’s recent clean power action plan, which recognised the potential for tidal stream and floating offshore wind to be important components of long-term decarbonisation in the UK. However, for that to happen—and if marine renewables are to follow a similar cost-reduction pathway to solar and fixed offshore wind—the marine renewables industry does need Government support. From AR4 onwards, tidal energy has benefited from ringfencing, which led to Inyanga, based in my constituency, being awarded CfDs in AR5 and AR6 for their HydroWing technology, which will be deployed in Morlais, Wales. Previous allocation rounds show that the sector can respond successfully to a ringfence. Inyanga had the only successful pot 2 offshore project to win a CfD in AR6. The ask of Great British Energy is to commit, say, 3% of its budget to investing in marine energy because tidal stream projects are being deployed with over 80% UK supply chain content spend, which is significantly higher than for other renewable technologies. GB Energy should seek to embed and accelerate deployment of that UK content in projects installed here and around the world. It could take equity stakes, under commercial terms, in projects that have secured a CfD. Other hon. Members have asked about a Government-industry marine energy taskforce. The purpose of that taskforce would be to bring together key players from Government, industry, regulatory and other relevant organisations to enable marine energy development—the embedding of that UK content in projects deployed here and around the world—to support the Government’s ambition to make the UK a clean energy superpower. I have also been pushing for that kind of masterplan and leadership for floating offshore wind. Others have asked about the 2035 targets, including a 1 GW tidal stream and 300 Mw of wave energy deployment. Setting those targets will boost investor confidence and support investment in coastal communities and beyond. The UK could also introduce innovation funding, particularly for marine energy. Between 2017 and 2022, such projects received only £17 million in innovation funding. Wave energy projects received £57 million of funding, £39 million of which came from the Scottish Government. That targeted innovation funding has been proven to reduce the overall cost associated with commercialising these emerging renewable technologies. Two tidal scheme projects in Scotland were successful in the last Horizon Europe call, which demonstrates both the importance of a close UK-EU relationship on marine energy and the attractiveness of the UK as a destination for that innovation funding. I cannot stand here and talk about renewable energy in the sea without mentioning floating offshore wind, so I will reiterate some of the asks that that industry would have as well to kick-start floating offshore wind, particularly in the Celtic sea. Like tidal and wave energy, floating offshore wind needs a ringfenced element in the AR6. The one-size-fits-all route is disadvantaging the Celtic sea due to the comparative lack of port infrastructure, skills and wider supply chain support. We are a virgin area; unlike Scotland, we have not had oil and gas before, so we are starting from scratch. We need technological and geographical ringfencing, CfDs for the test and demo sites in the Celtic sea, and support for stepping-stone projects such as TwinHub, which has a CfD but is facing the challenges of developing that supply chain and the now out-of-date cost of the CfD. The £1.8 billion ports fund can now be distributed quickly in a multi-port strategy that was developed, allowing ports across the region, such as Falmouth in my constituency, to work together to prepare for and benefit from the opportunities that floating offshore wind presents. The Crown Estate Bill passed through the House recently. Those option fees could, for example, be diverted to local supply chain building. Additionally, outside of the industry, other hon. Members have mentioned that we need that strategy for the ocean as a whole. It is crucial that we have a long-term marine spatial strategy, so that everything in the ocean has its place and we balance energy generation with important industries such as fishing, and with protecting the natural environment. Creating clear frameworks for each sector would give certainty to developers, which would help speed up the deployment of these renewables projects. Co-ordination would involve linking existing plans, such as the Crown Estate’s whole of seabed programme, the strategic spatial energy plan and DEFRA’s marine spatial prioritisation programme, ensuring that the UK harnesses the benefits of marine renewables while supporting fishing and safeguarding marine habitats.

• 15 Jan 2025 · Economic Growth · Hansard source

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  9. What steps his Department is taking to help grow the economy in Northern Ireland.

• 15 Jan 2025 · Economic Growth · Hansard source

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  Could the Secretary of State update the House on what recent discussions he has had with the Executive about steps to increase revenue, in order to help to deliver longer-term financial sustainability and grow the economy in Northern Ireland?

• 9 Jan 2025 · Water (Special Measures) Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  The review will be very wide ranging. We are talking in great detail about the regulators’ powers, and there are four regulators. I assume—I think the Government have made this clear—that the review will look at how water is regulated, right down to how many regulators there are and how they operate, so that is completely up for grabs. We are prejudging what may be in that review, but that will be for Sir Jon to work out for himself. I feel like this is something that may be covered in the review, but will the Minister please confirm that regulation is all up for grabs?

• 7 Jan 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I represent Truro and Falmouth, which has huge potential to benefit from floating offshore wind. With Falmouth docks and our position in the Celtic sea, if the build-out of the sea is done quickly and well, our young people could benefit from good, well-paid jobs in a strong local supply chain, but intervention will be needed to get to that place. No projects in the Celtic sea have been successful in leasing rounds or contracts for difference, except for one test and demo model that is struggling to build viably due to price changes. It cannot just be left to the market to build local supply chains. That will not occur without intervention and investment in our ports, businesses and further education. I welcome the Bill. The changes to the powers of the Crown Estate will enable it, in partnership with GB Energy, to invest in ports such as Falmouth, the mapping of the seabed to front-load the leasing rounds, research and development and local supply chains. When Falmouth marine school, in my constituency, was struggling to get funding for a level 2 course on floating offshore wind engineering for local 14 to 16-year-olds, the Crown Estate stepped in with one year’s funding to allow it to go ahead on a pilot scale. With the Bill’s changes, more such positive interventions could be made. With powers to borrow from the Treasury national loans fund and invest come greater responsibility. The framework for this borrowing is to be drawn up at a later date, but the Crown Estate is classified as a public corporation with a portfolio of nearly £16 billion, so it is important that it is held accountable and scrutinised in the normal way. I welcome the governance changes to the number of commissioners and the fact that they will now be paid out of Crown Estate proceeds, rather than from Parliament, but the fact remains that if they are to be given more power and control and are to enter into partnership with GB Energy, their aims and objectives need to strongly align with the growth agenda, the industrial strategy and our environmental targets, and there needs to be a mechanism of accountability. Where clause 3 compels the commissioners to “keep under review the impact of their activities on the achievement of sustainable development in the United Kingdom”, the words “strongly aligned with” would seem more appropriate. Most of the proceeds of the Crown Estate—it will be lucrative, now that wind energy is a priority, as the Crown Estate owns much of the seabed and there will be many more leasing rounds—go to the Treasury, but how the leasing rounds are conducted is important. If the Crown Estate’s priorities are truly to achieve sustainable development in the UK, price cannot be the sole criterion for awarding each lease. The highest bidder may not be the one who would work with the local population, consider the environmental impact, invest in further education, headquarter their development office in somewhere like Cornwall, which needs it, or grow the supply chain. The way that leases are awarded needs to be considered in the round, and we have the power to do that. Exemptions to World Trade Organisation rules allow contracts or leases for energy security to factor in socioeconomic and environmental factors in their decision-making criteria, and we should make use of them. Currently, the Crown Estate asks for annual option fees from developers. If the aim of clause 3 is truly to be the priority, surely those option fees should be deployed into building local supply chains and mitigating those environmental and other impacts. The partnership between the Crown Estate and GB Energy has the potential to be a huge force for good, spearheading the development of offshore renewable energy in a speedy but sustainable way and laying the groundwork for our future energy security, building local communities, infrastructure and supply chains in some of the most left-behind and deprived areas of the UK. With a unified strategy between all levels of the public sector, including this public corporation, and faithful allegiance to the aim of clause 3, the achievement of sustainable development in the UK could be the key that unlocks the future potential of the Celtic sea and hopefully kick-starts Cornwall’s clean energy revolution.

• 7 Jan 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  Clause 3 covers this: “The Commissioners must keep under review the impact of their activities on the achievement of sustainable development in the United Kingdom.” This has been written into the Bill.