Andrew Rosindell MP: speeches

Speeches

• 7 May 2025 · Havering Borough and Essex Devolution · Hansard source

  More

  Indeed, Madam Deputy Speaker. Let me say this to my hon. Friend. I do hope that the current Prime Minister will uphold that proud tradition and, later this month, fly the Middlesex flag. I think it would please a lot of people in the historic county were he to do so. The historic counties remain today, and are proudly celebrated by local people throughout those counties and throughout England. Mr Speaker is demonstrating that by flying the historic county flags here in the House of Commons on all the historic county days. What happened six decades ago was only a change in local government structures, but sadly ceremonial arrangements were also changed, which was completely unnecessary and has added to the confusion, removing Romford from our rightful place under the Lord Lieutenancy of Essex. It seems that changes like this happen every few decades when new Governments take office, and we are seeing that again today. I say to the Minister, “Let us do this properly and get things right.” In Havering, we have much in common with Brentwood, our neighbouring town, but not really with Brentford in west London. Epping is on our doorstep, but Ealing is a long way from our neck of the woods. We visit Southend but never go to Southall. What works for Hampstead is not always what is required in Havering, and it is unlikely that my constituents could tell you where Colliers Wood is, but Collier Row is a cherished part of Romford, Essex, and has many rural parts that feel like one is deep in the English countryside. I am not suggesting that the people of Havering do not value the important connections that we enjoy with the City of London and what is known as the east end of London, because we do. So many families, including mine, have moved from the east side of London to Essex over the past century, and our links to London are vital to us for business, work, travel, tourism and, of course, family connections—not to mention going to the theatre in the west end. Coming from a borough that orbits the capital, I can tell the Minister that the people of Havering are not opposed to co-operating with boroughs, towns and communities to the east when it makes sense to do so, but Greater London, as a region with an overarching Mayor, is too big and too remote to meet the needs of a borough such as Havering, which considers itself to be part of Essex. It is also very costly for us to be part of Greater London, as we pay tens of millions of pounds per year to the Greater London Authority. That equates to a vast sum for the GLA precept per household—an exorbitant amount of money that my constituents simply cannot afford. London-wide policies are imposed on us, such as planning decisions and, of course, the ultra low emission zone, but we do not get the services that we are meant to receive. They are completely inadequate, with policing being the worst example.

• 7 May 2025 · Havering Borough and Essex Devolution · Hansard source

  More

  The hon. Gentleman is completely right: any type of devolution has to have the consent of the people. I have to say to you, Madam Deputy Speaker, that I do not believe that the current Greater London devolution arrangement really has the consent of people in Havering. I think that if there were to be a referendum tomorrow, they would overwhelmingly vote to leave Greater London and be a unitary authority, but maybe there are other options. That is why this debate about Havering borough and Essex devolution is so pertinent today, and I look forward to the Minister’s response to my arguments. To return to what I was saying about the police, all but one of our police stations have been closed, and my constituents are deeply unhappy with the lack of police cover we receive, despite the huge amount we contribute financially to the Greater London Authority. This is no fault of the dedicated officers who form the day-to-day, rank-and-file backbone of our local police operation. The local force is dedicated and determined to respond to and prevent instances of criminality that blight the locality, but they are undermined by a lack of the resources that we in Havering pay for, but simply do not receive. Indeed, if you speak to my constituents, they will tell you that they believe Havering residents are in effect subsidising inner London areas and, through the Greater London Authority, funding what I believe has become a London-wide bureaucracy in City Hall and associated London-wide quangos. It is hard to see how the people of Havering benefit from that, and more often than not, it has no relevance to local people in my borough whatsoever. The reason for my Adjournment debate is to ask the Minister to please allow us to look at alternatives. Now is the time to consider Havering’s future. With devolution for what is termed Greater Essex now being implemented, this must surely be the right moment to examine a change that would give the people of Romford, Hornchurch, Upminster and Rainham hope that we could be part of something that better suits our local needs and goes with the grain of our historical identity. If the Government truly believe in genuine devolution, I hope the Minister will agree that local people should determine what is best for them, and a borough such as Havering must surely have the freedom to consider all options for our future. I request that the Government open up a meaningful conversation with the people of Havering about devolution for Essex that could include Havering, so that we can look sensibly and in detail at ideas for change. Let me make one thing crystal clear. The freedom travel pass for pensioners is often cited as one of the benefits of being part of Greater London, as if the Mayor of London provides it to us for free, which is not the case. My borough pays millions to buy in to this scheme. It has always done so and will always continue to do so. We pay millions of pounds for the privilege, but I will always defend and support the freedom pass as our older folk deserve the benefits it gives them.

• 7 May 2025 · Havering Borough and Essex Devolution · Hansard source

  More

  That is when our problems began. Rather than Romford borough council and Hornchurch urban district council being retained as part of the Essex county council administrative area, it was decided to incorporate Romford and Hornchurch into the new Greater London and create a “London borough of Havering”. Ever since then, our Essex identity has tragically been diminished and even discarded by some, as if centuries of history in belonging to such a great English county could end simply because of local government reorganisation, which was lazy in its construction and took no account of our history. This has led to 60 years of muddle, confusion and constant debate about whether Romford and Havering remain part of Essex or not. The truth is, however, that the new London boroughs formed in 1965 were never removed from their historic counties of Essex, Middlesex, Surrey, Kent and Hertfordshire.

• 7 May 2025 · Havering Borough and Essex Devolution · Hansard source

  More

  I have proudly represented my home town of Romford in this House for some 24 years. An historic market town since 1247, it has been part of the county of Essex, formerly the kingdom of Essex, since the 6th century. Essex is my county. I was born at Rush Green hospital, Romford, Essex. I have lived all my life in Marshalls Park, Romford, Essex. I went to schools at Rise Park and Marshalls Park in Romford, Essex. My house has a Romford, Essex RM1 postcode. My home telephone number has a Romford, Essex 01708 dialling code. The church of St Edward the Confessor in Romford Market, where I was christened and confirmed, falls within the diocese of Chelmsford, Essex. Essex county cricket club is our local cricket team, and we support it strongly. Romford football club, who were the proud winners of the vase trophy at Wembley one year ago, are part of the Essex senior football league. Last week, I hosted a St George’s Day celebration at Romford golf club, which is part of the Essex Golf Union. Our local bowling clubs for Romford, Gidea Park and Hornchurch all fall under the Essex County Bowling Association. The Bedfords Park visitor centre in the historic Essex village of Havering-atte-Bower is managed by Essex Wildlife Trust. Our water supply comes from Essex and Suffolk Water. The Essex chamber of commerce ably represents business interests throughout our fine county. On Essex Day, on 26 October every year, the mayor of Havering—my borough—raises the Essex flag from our town hall in Romford to demonstrate local pride and love for our historic county. Romford is geographically Essex. We are historically Essex. We are culturally Essex and our social, sporting and commercial connections have always looked towards the county of Essex. My constituents and I are proud of our Essex identity, which transcends local government or administrative boundaries that are forever changing—as they are again today. Indeed, the London Government Act 1963 created a new administrative region, to be known as Greater London.

• 7 May 2025 · Havering Borough and Essex Devolution · Hansard source

  More

  Absolutely. My hon. Friend is completely right. The people of Romford feel the same as the people of Bromley, Ruislip and other parts of outer Greater London who are disenchanted with the current settlement. On the freedom pass, I have long argued that the scheme should be extended to all council areas where Transport for London operates. Indeed, the Elizabeth line runs to Shenfield and the Central line runs to Epping. Other TfL services operate in local authority areas that go way beyond the supremely outdated boundaries of Greater London, to the west side of London in particular, so any travel schemes like the freedom pass must surely be offered equally to all the local authorities that TfL serves. The freedom pass for older people and others should not be used as a reason never to change the structure of local government in what I call the capital region of the UK, which now stretches far beyond the Greater London boundaries of the 1960s. May I also make it clear that I do not agree with the creation of super-unitary authorities? I believe they will prove to be very remote from towns, villages and neighbourhoods and from real people who want local democracy to be truly local, with councillors who genuinely know their wards and understand the areas they represent. If the Government are, however, set on going down this path, as they are now doing in Essex, I believe it is inevitable that boroughs in Greater London will go in the same direction at some stage, with amalgamations of councils taking place. Already, there is much discussion about this prospect, with varying proposals being put forward and openly spoken of by think-tanks, among local government officials and in London elite circles, of course. Let me say here and now that if Havering is destined for eventual merger with east London boroughs in some new super-council configuration, that is not something my constituents or I would support. We in Havering are a town and country borough, with an Essex heritage and a special character that local people cherish and will fight to retain. So, based on the principle the Government are already pursuing with the creation of expanded unitary authorities, I ask the Minister to please consider Havering for collaboration with, for example, our neighbouring Essex local authorities such as Brentwood or Epping Forest, both of which are also served by Transport for London and have much in common with Romford and Havering. It has been evident for a long time that Havering is at a crossroads, and it is now becoming abundantly clear to anyone who dares to look that either we continue on a path of future London integration or we take a new path in line with our heritage, which fully realises our Essex roots, culturally, economically, and politically. I, alongside the people of Havering, strongly argue that this second path is the one we should, and indeed must, walk. It could just be, much to the surprise of many of my constituents, that the new Labour Government’s plan for devolution and local government reorganisation provides the opportunity we need to finally take control of our own affairs and have our future restored to becoming part of Essex local government structures once again. It would be a great plus for the people of Romford if it was a Labour Government that actually delivered what they have been asking for for so long. This is what I have been fighting for over the course of my entire political life—not as a personal preoccupation, but because it is what everyone in my constituency believes, from local families and business owners to pensioners and market traders, and indeed young people. They all tell me that is what they want: they want their identity restored to being part of Essex and having our local control away from central London and City Hall. It is high time that their voices were listened to and this opportunity was seized to shape Havering and Essex for the better. I believe that today we have a once-in-almost-a-century chance to look afresh at the old boundaries of Greater London that were constructed six decades ago. The entire region around our great United Kingdom capital of London has changed dramatically since those days, and we should therefore seize this moment to be bold and look at options for change that local people would be happy to see, thus giving my constituents in Romford, Hornchurch and across the Borough of Havering hope for a much better structure of local government, rightly determined and supported by the people it is established to serve.

• 7 May 2025 · Havering Borough and Essex Devolution · Hansard source

  More

  I am grateful to my hon. Friend for making that point about the flying of historic county flags. Middlesex Heritage, an organisation established by Russell Grant which has promoted the importance of the heritage of the ancient county of Middlesex, actually purchased two Middlesex flags. They gave them to the then Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, and one of them was proudly flown from No. 10 Downing Street, London being part of the county of Middlesex. That tradition continued under the next Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak.

• 6 May 2025 · Trade Negotiations · Hansard source

  More

  Today’s news of a free trade agreement between the United Kingdom and India is wonderful—some of us have argued for greater free trade arrangements with Commonwealth countries for many years. Mr Modi, the Prime Minister of India, should be commended for adopting a free-market system that has brought wealth and prosperity to India, eliminating poverty and enabling India to work with countries like the United Kingdom. Will the Minister accept that none of this would have been possible had we not been sovereign and able to negotiate our own free trade agreements following our departure from the European Union? Was Brexit not the right thing to do?

• 1 May 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

  More

  I am sorry that Mr Speaker has just left the Chair, because I wanted to commend him for hosting such a magnificent St George’s day celebration in Speaker’s House last week, on behalf of the Royal Society of St George, and on being the first Speaker to wear a red rose in the Chair on St George’s day—a tradition that I hope we will all adopt. I am, however, disappointed that the debate secured by me and the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Adam Jogee) for St George’s day is taking two weeks to come to the Floor of the House, and I wondered whether the Leader of the House could explain that. I also wish to raise an issue on behalf of my constituents. The historic market town of Romford, like many towns represented by hon. Members across the House, has a proliferating and wholly disproportionate number of barber shops, vape shops, fishmongers and outlets that appear devoid of any custom. In Havering we have only one trading standards officer, which is simply not enough. Something is very wrong with our high streets, and my constituents are concerned and want action to deal with that. Will the Leader of the House allow a debate in Government time to discuss how we can tackle the growing epidemic of rogue traders and sham businesses that blight our communities, and instead inspire people back to shop local again?

• 1 May 2025 · Prisoners of Conscience · Hansard source

  More

  I begin by extending my thanks to the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) for securing this important debate. He is a tireless defender of human rights and his dedication to the cause of those who are persecuted for their beliefs, wherever they may be, is courageous, admirable and much needed. I thank him for it. I thank the Backbench Business Committee for enabling the discussion to take place. It is a vital debate and it is only a shame that there are not more hon. Members present. This country, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, has long been a sanctuary for the oppressed, and this Chamber has been a voice for the voiceless and a champion of liberty. From the days of William Wilberforce to the last Government’s establishment of a special envoy for freedom of religion or belief, this House of Commons has stood up for the fundamental freedoms of speech, conscience and belief—long may that continue. I wish to speak for those who cannot speak freely themselves and who languish in prison cells, not for any crime but simply for having the courage to believe differently, to respectfully challenge authority or to follow their conscience in the face of tyranny. We have had a short but meaningful debate, with some excellent contributions from colleagues on all sides of the House. The hon. Member for Strangford, who spoke passionately, as he always does, told us about the importance of defending those who profess their faith and uphold their convictions, and the importance of standing up for freedom. The love of freedom has always inspired me in politics. I grew up in the 1980s, when we had a Prime Minister who defended freedom around the world. Margaret Thatcher stood against totalitarianism and communism across the world, particularly in the Soviet Union. A belief in freedom and liberty drives the Conservative party. Love of country is part of that, and we have always been a nation that has stood up for the liberties and freedoms of the people of these islands. I have great admiration for the hon. Member for Ealing Central and Acton (Dr Huq), who is no longer in her place, and I have worked closely with her on the issue of Armenia. We recall the Armenian genocide 110 years ago. She referred to her constituent, Annette Moskofian, who I also know very well and with whom I have worked on upholding the freedom of the people of Armenia. As the hon. Lady said, Armenian prisoners who are being kept in Azerbaijani jails also need to have their freedom. Armenia needs to live as an independent, free democracy without fear, and the people must be allowed to express their views freely. Last week, I attended a wreath laying at the Cenotaph with the hon. Lady and other hon. Members from across the House in support of our friends from Armenia, which is a Christian country that simply wants to be democratic and independent and not to be threatened by an aggressive neighbour. No one in this House could ever compete with the passion, belief and deeply held views of my right hon. Friend the Member for New Forest West (Sir Desmond Swayne). I have admired him ever since I entered the House in 2001. He speaks with enormous passion and he understands that this is a Christian country. Our laws, traditions and customs are founded on those Christian traditions. If we discard them, we discard everything we have in this country. That does not mean that we do not respect other religions, but our Christian heritage is fundamental and leads Britain to be a champion of freedom, free speech and freedom of religion and democracy around the world, as we have been for far longer than most other countries. My right hon. Friend rightly reminded us of how our own Royal Navy eroded the slave trade—it is often forgotten that it was Britain that led the way against the slave trade. I thank him for everything that he does to stand up for the rights of the oppressed, and particularly those religious minorities who are denied the right to worship and practise freely. The Liberal Democrat spokesperson, the hon. Member for Lewes (James MacCleary), spoke extremely well and raised a lot of issues that are well known throughout the House. He spoke about the Uyghurs in Xinjiang and the importance of the China audit, which we are still waiting for; it is important that we get on with that. We have a moral duty to stand up for those who have lost their freedom; Britain has a proud record of that. That transcends party politics, and I am sure that it will do so in this House today. He also mentioned those of the Baha’i faith who are persecuted, which is another very important point. There were superb interventions from my hon. Friend the Member for Broadland and Fakenham (Jerome Mayhew), who has now left his place. He spoke rightly about the balance between dealing with nations around the world: we want good relations and trade and co-operation, and we want to work with many countries economically, but equally we need to think about human rights. We need to balance those things. Equally, he spoke about imposing our values on other countries, which is always a balance. We cannot impose British values on every country of different traditions and religions, but nevertheless we should never be silent when we see an injustice. I know that certainly on the Opposition Benches—and, I am sure, on the Government Benches—as people who believe in freedom and democracy we all stand for standing up against injustice, wherever it may be in the world. I will rightly focus on the people Members have mentioned who are wrongly detained in prisons for their religion or belief. What practical steps are His Majesty’s Government taking to monitor, identify and support such individuals? The Minister has lots of time to answer all these questions. She will need to tell us very clearly what resources are being allocated by the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to monitor prisoners of conscience globally. How is that information being used in the UK’s broader human rights strategy? As a member of the Article 18 Alliance, will the Minister tell us whether the UK actively proposes names for international advocacy? As we have already heard, the statistics are deeply alarming. According to the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, more than 1,300 individuals are currently imprisoned for their beliefs in just 28 countries. That includes 532 people in communist China, 327 people in Putin’s Russia and 87 people in Iran. Other Members have mentioned other countries where similar issues need to be addressed, such as Vietnam and North Korea. The hon. Member for Ealing Central and Acton mentioned Azerbaijan and Armenia, which I referred to earlier. My right hon. Friend the Member for New Forest West quite rightly mentioned Venezuela. I met a delegation from Venezuela only last week, and I was an observer at a Venezuelan election some years ago. I have to say that it was not very democratic, and I do not think that much has changed since—in fact, it has got a lot worse. We should absolutely highlight that country as one in need of radical democratic change. My right hon. Friend also mentioned Egypt and Turkey. There are many other countries that we could think of, but the point is that Britain must lead the way. We are the nation that always stands up for the rights and freedoms of peoples, and we must do so with vigour and without compromise. Will the Minister confirm whether the Government have raised specific cases with the Governments of those countries and others? If so, will she tell us which ones she has been speaking to in recent days? I am aware that this debate is centred on matters of faith. However, I, like the hon. Member for Strangford, take the opportunity to raise the case of Apple Daily founder Jimmy Lai. We need to see him released, and an end to his politically motivated trial and the repeal of the draconian national security law in Hong Kong. It is one matter to speak in this place about individuals far afield who have little to no connection with these islands, but it is another matter when it involves a British national. What developments have there been on that issue so far? We talk a lot about it, but we see very little action. Given that the Government look as though they are becoming more economically aligned with China, which I think is a huge error, will Jimmy Lai’s case be front and centre in our engagements with Beijing? Has the Minister specifically called for Jimmy Lai’s release in dealings with her Chinese counterparts? I commend the hon. Member for Strangford and all the members of the all-party parliamentary group for international freedom of religion or belief for their laudable initiative and tireless efforts in launching a scheme that enables Members of this House to advocate for individual prisoners of conscience. That initiative represents a meaningful and compassionate step towards amplifying the voices of those who have been unjustly detained for exercising their fundamental rights. In the light of that important work, I must ask the Minister whether the FCDO is actively supporting that endeavour by assisting Members in establishing contact with relevant embassies in the United Kingdom as well as engaging with international legal and diplomatic mechanisms to strengthen advocacy on behalf of those individuals. I am pleased that the Government heeded the call from the Opposition Benches on renewing the last Government’s position in having a special envoy for freedom of religion or belief. However, can the Minister outline exactly what the special envoy is doing to advance the cause of individual prisoners of conscience? Has the envoy engaged directly with foreign Governments or institutions to press for their release? Do the Government intend to enshrine the post in law, for which my good friend the former Member for Congleton, Fiona Bruce, passionately campaigned when she served in this House until last year? Britain has long used both aid and diplomacy to promote our values abroad. In that context, I ask the Minister whether the allocation of UK aid to recipient countries is ever made conditional on demonstrable progress in safeguarding freedom of religion or belief. Is consideration given specifically to the treatment of individuals imprisoned solely on account of their religious convictions? Is our financial assistance ever leveraged to encourage reform and accountability in such cases? Those in prison today for their beliefs, be they Christian, Ahmadiyya Muslim, Jewish, Hindu, Buddhist, any other religion or members of minority or non-religious communities, deserve more than just our concern: they deserve our advocacy, our voice and our unwavering defence. Our foreign policy must reflect not only our national interests, but a projection of how we treat our own people. We must never shy away from calling out wickedness and unjust imprisonment or from defending the right to freedom of conscience. As the great John Stuart Mill, once a Member of this House, so wisely said: “Bad men need nothing more to compass their ends, than that good men should look on and do nothing.” We look forward to this Government doing something.

• 8 Apr 2025 · Blair Mayne: Posthumous Victoria Cross · Hansard source

  More

  On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker. Thank you for allowing me to make this point of order. We are about to retire for the Easter recess—indeed, the Adjournment debate is about to begin—but I am rather perturbed by the fact that the Order Paper no longer lists it as the Easter Adjournment debate, but instead as a general debate on “Matters to be raised before the forthcoming adjournment”. As you know, Madam Deputy Speaker, I have been a Member of Parliament for 24 years, and the Easter Adjournment debate was always a significant occasion, marking the fact that Easter is the holiest time of year for Christians in this country. I look over to the other side of the Chamber and see the crest of Sir David Amess, who was here for every Easter Adjournment debate. Can I have an assurance that this is the Easter Adjournment debate, that we have not taken away the Christian character of this important occasion, and that that will be reflected in future Order Papers and in Hansard ?

• 8 Apr 2025 · Persecution of Christians · Hansard source

  More

  My right hon. Friend makes an excellent point. We have to get tough with countries that behave in this way, and we have to uphold the freedoms of these people. That is part of our heritage, and we should ensure that the rest of the world receives our support where minorities are threatened and persecuted. I could go on with examples—from countries ravaged by war to those where legislative oppression cloaks persecution in legality. We could all do so, but the suffering of Christians is global and unrelenting, and our response must be equally tireless and resolute. The last Government introduced the position of the Prime Minister’s special envoy for freedom of religion or belief: Fiona Bruce, a wonderful person whom we very much miss. I am delighted that the current Government have renewed that commitment by appointing the hon. Member for North Northumberland (David Smith), but will the Minister outline what progress has been made since the new envoy’s appointment? How is the envoy working across all Departments and with international partners to protect Christians at risk, and will the Minister enshrine the appointment as a permanent part of how we do things by making it law, as Fiona Bruce attempted, so that we always have someone who fulfils that very important role? What more can we do to support and amplify the envoy’s position to ensure it delivers meaningful change? Let me be clear that this is not a partisan issue. It is about standing up for the fundamental right to freedom of religion. It is about defending those who are suffering simply for their faith. We cannot—we must not—remain silent. Britain has a proud history of standing up for the religiously persecuted. We must remember that if we do not defend religious freedom abroad, we weaken it at home. A world in which Christians are persecuted with impunity is a world in which faith is no longer safe. Our message today must be clear: we will not stand idly by. We will not allow the persecution of Christians to be ignored any longer. I end with a passage from the Gospel of St Matthew that feels all too relevant today: “Behold, I am sending you out as sheep in the midst of wolves, so be wise as serpents and innocent as doves...you will be hated by all for my name’s sake.” Let those words remind us of our duty. The question is: what will His Majesty’s Government do to defend the freedom of religion and the rights of Christians, and to prevent, condemn and stop persecution around the world?

• 8 Apr 2025 · Persecution of Christians · Hansard source

  More

  It is, as always, a pleasure to serve with you in the Chair, Ms Butler. I commend the hon. Member for Newport West and Islwyn (Ruth Jones) for raising this vital issue in the House today, as we approach the most holy period in the Christian calendar, to remind us of the appalling persecution of Christians throughout the world. I will not mention every country, as so many have been mentioned today, which highlights that it is dangerous to be a Christian in parts of our planet, and we in this country must stand up against that kind of persecution and oppression. I commend all Members who have contributed to this wonderful debate, but I draw particular attention to some of the remarks of my right hon. Friend the Member for South Holland and The Deepings (Sir John Hayes), which were replicated by my hon. Friend the Member for East Wiltshire (Danny Kruger). I am looking at the crown above the door to this Chamber. There is a cross on that crown, which tells us that our constitution, our liberties, our freedoms and our British way of life are founded on Christian values. Whichever political party we represent, it is vital that we defend those traditions. We are here today to discuss a deep moral urgency. This is not an abstract issue; it is about the very real suffering of people—men, women and children—who are targeted, attacked, imprisoned and even murdered simply for their faith. Christians have faced oppression for centuries. At home, that persecution has found new ways of expressing itself, but abroad it is still very much the same—murder, state-sanctioned discrimination and violent oppression. Today, around the world, Christians are being oppressed on a staggering scale. First, in the light of the Government’s efforts to begin removing sanctions against Syria and their stated desire to work with the interim Government of that country, it is imperative that we ask the Minister what assurances the UK Government have received that this new approach to Syria will not come at the expense of religious minorities. How will progress be monitored? What can be done to ensure that a codified constitution in Syria represents everybody equally, especially Christians? What discussions has the United Kingdom had with our partners in Washington and Europe to ensure that any future settlement does not come at the expense of those vulnerable communities in Syria? Crucially, what steps are the Government taking to support displaced Christian families and to ensure accountability for the reported atrocities we have been hearing so much about? In recent months, we have observed what appears to be a growing alignment between the Government of the United Kingdom and China, a country where religious oppression has become ever more brazen. The Government have announced an audit of UK-China relations. Will Christian persecution be a key part of that audit? Have individual cases—for example, the recent arrest of Bishop Shao Zhumin, who was detained for refusing to pay a fine related to a mass that the Government of China deemed illegal—been raised at the highest levels? How are the UK Government ensuring that their diplomatic efforts with the People’s Republic of China include pressing for greater protections for religious minorities—especially, of course, for Christians? Having read this year’s Open Doors “World Watch List” report, which many Members rightly highlighted, I am sure that I speak for all Members across the House when I say that, while we welcome its publication, its revelations are no less troubling than those of the previous year. Sadly, there seems to be very little progress. In south Asia, Christian communities continue to endure grave challenges and are under increasing social pressures. In Pakistan, blasphemy laws continue to be disproportionately weaponised against Christians, with widespread reports of abductions, forced conversions and systematic discrimination in day-to-day life. In Bangladesh, rising hostility and subtle everyday forms of persecution, particularly in rural areas, have created an environment of fear and exclusion. What representations have the Government made to those Commonwealth countries? How is British aid being used to safeguard religious minorities and promote genuine freedom of belief? What more can the Commonwealth of Nations, as an organisation, do to promote religious freedom, and will the Minister use the Government’s influence to ensure that the Commonwealth acts where it can across Commonwealth nations in this respect? Nigeria is another Commonwealth nation that many Members highlighted. The situation there grows more dire by the day. Christian villages are being attacked, with churches burned to the ground and priests kidnapped and executed. Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa undermine the rights of anyone who does not subscribe to their extremist ideologies. Have the Government sought assurances from the Nigerian Government on protecting Christian communities, especially in vulnerable regions of that country, and what support is being given to enhance the security and resilience of these communities against such threats?

• 7 Apr 2025 · Road Maintenance · Hansard source

  More

  I have huge sympathy with what the hon. Lady is saying about the underfunding and lack of support from the Scottish Government, but would she sympathise with me? In the London borough of Havering, we have the Mayor of London and the Greater London Authority, which take huge sums of money from my constituents, yet we do not see much of it spent in places such as Romford. Roads such as the A12 and the A127, which the Mayor of London is meant to look after through Transport for London, are often neglected. So there is a common theme about these higher authorities that take money away from our constituents, but do not spend it on the people paying the costs.

• 7 Apr 2025 · Road Maintenance · Hansard source

  More

  The hon. Gentleman says we are finally giving tools to mayors, but does he not agree that it is surely better to give funding directly to local councils to spend on their local communities? If we give it to a mayor, it will get spent across wider areas where the mayor has priorities, but it will not necessarily go to areas where the constituents who we represent need the money spent.

• 7 Apr 2025 · East Midlands: Local Authorities and Economic Growth · Hansard source

  More

  I commend the hon. Member for what he is saying. The east midlands are a vital region of our country, but I caution him slightly about wanting a regional mayor to take power upwards. In Greater London, our experience is that power in local authorities is actually better. We want local money spent on local people’s priorities. With a regional mayor, the hon. Gentleman may find that the money is not spent on the priorities he hopes for, but that it goes up to one bureaucracy and the priorities of local people are often ignored. That is our experience in the London borough of Havering.

• 1 Apr 2025 · UK-Mauritius Treaty: Chagos Islands · Hansard source

  More

  The Government have finally admitted to front-loading payments to Mauritius for their surrender deal, caving in to Prime Minister Ramgoolam’s demands since he took office in November. Yet they still refuse to disclose the amount or clarify which budgets will cover the lease, economic partnership and Chagossian trust fund. Why the secrecy? Will the Minister disclose the details now? Will he also confirm whether the statement from the Prime Minister of Mauritius is correct in saying that concessions have been made, including the loss of sovereign rights on Diego Garcia and of unilateral lease renewal provisions? When will this horrific deal finally come to Parliament, and what time will be provided to debate it? Or, better still, why does the Minister not dump the deal completely and keep Chagos British?

• 1 Apr 2025 · Mauritius Treaty: Chagos Islands · Hansard source

  More

  It is a sell-out.

• 27 Mar 2025 · St Patrick’s Day and Northern Irish Affairs · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Luton South and South Bedfordshire (Rachel Hopkins), who spoke so eloquently and passionately about the contribution of the Irish diaspora, particularly in Luton South and South Bedfordshire—a lot of souths are being spoken about today. We are also talking about the south of Ireland and its contribution to the success of our country, the United Kingdom. It is a pleasure to take part in the debate. I thank the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Adam Jogee) for securing a debate on St Patrick’s day and Northern Irish affairs. I commend him for his years of support for British-Irish relations. I remember that when he was mayor of Haringey, he flew the Irish flag for St Patrick’s day and celebrated that important occasion in the borough, and I thank him for that. St Patrick’s day is a great feast day when we come together as one Great British family to celebrate Saint Patrick, the patron saint of the island of Ireland—he is shared by Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. That is an important point to make, because some people think that St Patrick is the patron saint purely of the Republic of Ireland, but as my cross of St Patrick cufflinks show, he is very much the patron saint of Northern Ireland, too. I am also pleased to say that St Patrick’s day is my birthday, so it is a special day for me. My family connections with Ireland run deep on my mother’s side: my great-grandparents were Dempseys and O’Learys. Although I am very English, I am proud of my Irish ancestry. As many of our Ulster Members know, St Patrick was a great saint whom we should aim to emulate. Fundamentally, this day reminds us of a figure who championed the Christian faith—a steadfast believer who went from the mainland to Ireland in order to cure the souls of natives. In his mission, he was a man of solemn sincerity, keeping his promise to God to convert the non-believers. He was also clearly a man of great forgiveness and reconciliation, because earlier in his life, he had been enslaved by the Irish, but he later went there with the mission of saving their souls for eternity. We can learn a great deal from the life of St Patrick. There are many things that we as a nation could do to mark this important day and give it the gravitas it deserves. I strongly submit that St Patrick’s day should be a national bank holiday, alongside all the other feast days of our kingdom’s patron saints—St George’s day on 23 April, St David’s day on 1 March and St Andrew’s day on 30 November. Not only would that be firmly in line with the position of Anglicanism as the unchallenged state religion, but it would reinforce the importance of all four corners of our nation. So, too, would the resurrection of the order of St Patrick, which was shamefully allowed to fall into abeyance many decades ago but remains a sovereign order of the United Kingdom. I hope that the Minister will give that idea serious consideration. It would be wonderful if the royal order of St Patrick were restored. Should His Majesty decide to restore it for use in the United Kingdom, I am sure that many people would be worthy of it, including, more widely, Irish people who have contributed to relations between our two nations. The feast day of St Patrick is not just about dressing in green, donning shamrocks and drinking Guinness; feast days are about how we value the native people of these islands, and their heritage, traditions and culture. That must be reflected in all our Great British traditions under one King and one flag. Indeed, it is my view that the Irish, Ulster-Scots and Anglo-Irish are very much part of our family within the great British Isles. All the people of these islands are deeply intertwined in every area of life. From blood and history to literature and music—and, of course, sport—we are fundamentally inseparable and should not only embrace our historical connection, but enhance it now and in future. To that end, I was immensely proud to have chaired the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly from 2016 to 2022, when I was succeeded by my right hon. Friend the Member for Staffordshire Moorlands (Dame Karen Bradley)—we worked together on that for many years. I am pleased to have recently been reappointed to BIPA. Its role is fundamental to advancing our shared economic, cultural and political prosperity, and I will continue to work with colleagues from all legislatures and Executives throughout British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly area to strengthen bonds between the inseparable nations and territories of the British Isles—England, Scotland, Northern Ireland, Wales, the Isle of Man, the Bailiwick of Jersey and the Bailiwick of Guernsey—not forgetting Alderney and Sark. Today, we must focus more on bringing together the four home nations of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and on reversing the constitutional backsliding in the British internal market. I have great sympathy with the hon. and learned Member for North Antrim (Jim Allister) when it comes to that area of policy. Despite that, the inseparability of the mainland and Northern Ireland remains clear in so many facets of national life: blood, culture and King, to name but a few. I commend Their Majesties the King and Queen for their outstandingly successful visit to Ulster recently. I praise the good people of Northern Ireland for providing such a heartening welcome and demonstration of local pride. I am sure that Their Majesties will treasure those memories for years to come. The Crown has also received a wonderful reception in the Republic of Ireland in recent years. Her late Majesty Queen Elizabeth II most notably visited Dublin for a state visit in 2011 and spoke Irish to the assembled dignitaries. That was a characteristic example not only of her exemplary good humour and reconciliatory nature, but also of the warmth and good will between all our peoples. The Republic of Ireland is our friend, but we can be much closer and fully realise that we are, in all spheres of national operation, one family who share a unique group of islands. Indeed, Ireland could do much more work, alongside her British brother and loyal northern neighbour, in recognising that shared heritage and advancing the shared values and goals on the global stage, and emulating countries such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand. I hope that one day, perhaps soon, the people of the Republic of Ireland might choose to take their rightful place in the family of the Commonwealth of Nations, taking our deep neighbourly relations to the next level, to the benefit of both partners—and, I believe, having a bounteous benefit for global politics. I also take this opportunity to send our greetings to the good people of the British overseas territory of Montserrat, who also celebrate St Patrick’s day. St Patrick is also their patron saint, and they have the most wonderful celebrations on 17 March. In my constituency, there are many people with heritage connected to the island of Ireland. There are several Roman Catholic churches and community groups in my constituency and throughout the London borough of Havering, which continue to cherish and celebrate the history and family connections with Ireland and celebrate the feast of St Patrick’s day as a marker of this proud heritage. Although I have much sympathy with and support for the Anglican Church of Ireland—I have huge respect for it, as the Irish member of the Anglican communion—it is only right that I acknowledge the wonderful Irish Catholic community in my constituency. I pay special tribute to St Peter’s Catholic primary school on Dorset Avenue, in Romford, and to its headmistress, Mrs Jenny Waterfield, whom I have known for more than 20 years. I pay tribute to her for her leadership of this wonderful school and wish her well for what I believe is her impending retirement later this year. I give a special note of thanks to the Roman Catholic church of St Edward the Confessor, and especially to Father Dominic Howarth, who has led his parish from strength to strength, most notably in the church’s splendid architectural improvements, which have provided a beautiful space for worship for the whole community in Romford. We also have the wonderful St Patrick’s Catholic primary school and the church of Corpus Christi, along with the Collier Row Catholic Club, all of whom serve the community in Collier Row and the whole of north Romford. St Patrick’s school welcomed me one year for my birthday, on 17 March, where I was absolutely thrilled to take part in the school’s St Patrick’s day celebrations, hearing the children sing Irish songs and watching them take part in traditional Irish tap dancing. In Hornchurch, which is also partly within my constituency, our community is served by St Mary’s Catholic primary school and St Mary Mother of God Catholic church on Hornchurch Road. I am always delighted to visit the church’s annual Christmas fair and other celebrations throughout the year. I cannot forget the Iona social club—our Irish club—on Hornchurch Road, which is always at the heart of social gatherings and is a truly welcoming place for members of the whole community. Although I have already mentioned the Anglican Church of Ireland, of which I am a great supporter, it would be remiss of me not to further underline the great contribution of the Anglo-Irish and Ulster Scots in Romford, of whom there are many. Like St Patrick, they originally came from the mainland to Ireland, and now they have come home. They remain my steadfast supporters and are some of the most loyal people in the kingdom. I have to admit that there is limited Orange tradition in my constituency—although I am wearing an orange tie today, which is no coincidence—but I do often frequent a popular orange establishment there: The Orange Tree public house, in the village of Havering-atte-Bower. We must do more to mark St Patrick’s day on the mainland and encourage invigorated relations between all on these British Isles. With such deeply rooted blood ties between our islands, and with all that that entails culturally and politically, we must not let our relations dwindle. Rather, we must raise them to new heights and stand shoulder to shoulder like never before, to greet shared opportunities and challenges alike. I wish a belated very happy St Patrick’s day to one and all.

• 27 Mar 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

  More

  In the 1960s, my constituency of Romford, which is part of the London borough of Havering, formed part of Greater London, but we are in Essex. The Government are following through with a devolution plan for the county of Essex. Will the Leader of the House please allow Havering to be considered as part of that discussion? People are deeply unhappy with the control from inner London. We feel much closer connections to Essex, and provided that there can be some guarantees about Transport for London, policing and things of that sort, it makes absolute sense for us to be part of that discussion. Will she arrange a debate on the Floor of the House, and perhaps a meeting with me and the Minister responsible, to try to find a solution to this issue and make my constituents very happy?

• 26 Mar 2025 · UK-China Relations · Hansard source

  More

  I will make some progress, then come to the hon. Member if there is time. I begin with the issue of Taiwan-Republic of China. Beijing’s increasingly assertive behaviour towards Taiwan—including military activity around the island, airspace incursions and naval operations—is a cause of growing concern. I ask the Minister: does the UK remain committed to the One China policy? If so, how do the Government intend to balance that position with our strong interest in supporting Taiwan’s democracy and the principle that the future of Taiwan should be determined peacefully and without coercion? The people of Taiwan should have the freedom to shape their own future without the threat of force. What steps are the Government taking, alongside the United States, Japan and Australia, to reduce tensions and deter any escalation in the Taiwan strait? Taiwan is a proud democracy and deserves to have its freedom. It should not be coerced—and, as an ally of Taiwan, we should certainly be standing shoulder to shoulder with it. Next, I would like to say a few words about the belt and road initiative. Beijing claims that that programme is about infrastructure and development, but in reality it serves as a tool for strategic dominance and debt entrapment across Africa, Asia, and even parts of Europe. We have seen the consequences of that so-called investment: developing nations find themselves shackled by unsustainable debt, forced to hand over key infrastructure and strategic assets when they cannot meet Beijing’s demands. What is the Government’s strategy to counter that growing influence? How are we supporting our Commonwealth partners and other vulnerable nations to resist that economic model, and will the Minister tell us what alternative we are offering to the developing world, to avoid those nations being trapped in Beijing’s orbit? Turning to Hong Kong, the Chinese Communist party’s flagrant violation of the Sino-British joint declaration is seriously jeopardising the “one nation, two systems” framework. Beijing has crushed political opposition, tried to silence the free press, and criminalised dissent. In light of that, I ask the Minister what our long-term strategy is for holding Beijing accountable for breaking its treaty obligations. How are we supporting British nationals overseas who have made the courageous decision to leave Hong Kong and settle in the United Kingdom, and who may be at risk of transitional repression? The case of Jimmy Lai stands as a stark symbol of Beijing’s assault on press freedom and political dissent in Hong Kong. Lai, a British citizen and a founder of Apple Daily , has been targeted under Hong Kong’s draconian national security law for the so-called crime of defending democracy. His prosecution is not just an attack on an individual, but an attempt to silence independent journalism and intimidate anyone who dares to criticise the CCP’s actions in Hong Kong. What steps are the Government taking to protect the rights of British citizens such as Jimmy Lai who are facing politically motivated prosecutions in Hong Kong? Does the Minister agree that this politically motivated trial must end and that Jimmy Lai must be released, and what is the Government’s strategy for making the case that the national security law should be replaced? The CCP’s human rights abuses in Xinjiang are well documented, with forced labour, mass internment, and systematic persecution of the Uyghur population. It is therefore deeply concerning that the Government appear to be resisting efforts to block the procurement of Chinese solar panels linked to forced labour through the Great British Energy Bill. I ask the Government directly: what assurances can Ministers provide that the UK’s transition to net zero will not come at the cost of complicity in modern slavery? How will the Government ensure that supply chains for renewable energy infrastructure are free from forced labour and other human rights abuses? As the Leader of the Opposition rightly pointed out in her recent speech, the idea of achieving net zero by 2050 while relying heavily on Chinese technology and supply chains is “fantasy politics”. We cannot afford an over-reliance on China, as should have become clear following the pandemic. What steps are the Government taking to reduce strategic dependence on China, particularly in critical industries such as energy, telecommunications and rare earth minerals? The proposed Chinese super-embassy in London raises concerns about Beijing’s growing influence in the UK. The unprecedented size and scope of that facility has prompted worries about potential security risks and pressure on Chinese dissidents. Reports of covert Chinese police stations in the UK add to those fears. Have the Government assessed the national security risks involved, and will they consider restricting or scaling down that proposal? More broadly, what steps are the Government taking to prevent foreign powers from using British soil for covert operations or political intimidation? I want to make the case again—as my party has said before—that China should be on the enhanced tier of the foreign influence registration scheme. Finally, I must raise the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s recent visit to China. What, if any, assurances did the Chancellor seek on human rights during her visit on Hong Kong, the Uyghurs or Taiwan and how do the Government intend to ensure that any future economic engagement with China does not compromise our strategic interests? China presents one of the big geopolitical challenges of our age, not just to Britain, but to the entire free world; we cannot afford to be naive. Engagement must be grounded in realism, not wishful thinking. We must work with our allies to check aggression and defend our democratic values. The British people deserve to know where their Government stand, and the Government must be prepared to act and not just talk.

• 26 Mar 2025 · UK-China Relations · Hansard source

  More

  I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Farnham and Bordon (Gregory Stafford) for securing this important debate. UK-China relations will be increasingly important as we progress, and as the threat of China becomes more evident. I thank all hon. Members for their contributions. It seems there is a consensus about the threat that China poses, although it is not entirely unanimous; the hon. and learned Member for Folkestone and Hythe (Tony Vaughan) seems to have a slightly different approach. I believe that China is one of the greatest threats—if not the greatest threat—to our freedom and security, which is why it is vital to address this issue. China is a nation with a proud history and a rich civilisation, deserving of respect—but that respect cannot come at the expense of turning a blind eye to aggression, human rights abuses and attempts to undermine the international order. The Government have announced that they are conducting a China audit, but we are yet to hear what that actually entails. It is not enough for Ministers to review our policy towards China behind closed doors; the British people deserve transparency and Parliament deserves answers.

• 26 Mar 2025 · Local Government Finances: London · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Lewell. I thank the hon. Member for Leyton and Wanstead (Mr Bailey) for rightly raising this issue for debate. I am grateful to him, as I am sure we all are. I endorse the comments of pretty much all Members who have spoken, but especially my hon. Friend the Member for Hornchurch and Upminster (Julia Lopez)—we share the borough of Havering. Members have highlighted what we all know: the local government funding system is fundamentally broken. No matter what borough we come from, the current system simply is not working. We are all suffering local services that are inadequate. Funding is not there for things that are essential, and we are seeing money spent on things in local government that I believe are wasted. Particularly in Havering, as well as in Bromley and in Hillingdon, which is represented by my hon. Friend the Member for Ruislip, Northwood and Pinner (David Simmonds), we also say that our boroughs are spending a lot of money to fund the Greater London Authority, and most of that seems to be spent in inner-London areas. Outer-London areas are funding inner London. We have been doing that for many decades, not just since the Greater London Authority and the mayor were created, but under both Governments. I would like to depoliticise this issue a bit. We can blame each other—[Hon. Members: “Ah!”] We can blame each other, but the last Government did not deal with it, and I hope this Government will attempt to deal with it. Without fundamental change, the problem will go on and on. What we need is less, but more effective, government. We need spending on the right things. We need to give control back to our local areas and to have less control by central Government and the Greater London Authority. I will not repeat all the arguments made by my hon. Friend the Member for Hornchurch and Upminster, because all the points she made were absolutely correct, but Havering has particularly suffered from underfunding and an unfair funding formula for many decades—in fact, all the way back to when the London boroughs were created in the 1960s. When the London boroughs were created, the outer-London areas, which were considered to be wealthier, were effectively putting money into the centre, and they did so for many decades. As hon. Members have said, that has changed. As the hon. Member for Leyton and Wanstead said, outer-London areas have altered and the demographics have changed. But the funding formula remains the same. We need to completely change how we deal with this issue. Fiddling around with the figures at the edges will not solve it; we need root-and-branch reform of how local government operates in the Greater London area. We need more flexibility in areas such as Havering, which are not really in London—we orbit London, but we are far more linked to Essex areas than we are to inner London—and fundamental reform of the whole system. Outer London has always been poorly funded and unfairly treated. In Havering, which has a large older population and a large younger population, and changing demographics, we particularly need more support. I hope the Minister will pledge that support, because all our constituents need change.

• 26 Mar 2025 · Local Government Finances: London · Hansard source

  More

  Will the hon. Lady give way?

• 26 Mar 2025 · Local Government Finances: London · Hansard source

  More

  The hon. Member mentions that the people of Sutton are getting a raw deal, and I am quite sure that they are. Does he think that the people of Sutton are getting good value for money from the precept we are paying to the Mayor and the Greater London Authority, or would he like some of that money put back into the local communities that he serves?

• 20 Mar 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

  More

  I, too, offer my condolences to the shadow Leader of the House on the loss of his father, who sounds like a very fine gentleman indeed. The Leader of the House will, I am sure, welcome the visit to the United Kingdom this week of the new Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney. Canada is, of course, a great friend to the United Kingdom and the new Prime Minister is very welcome. However, the Leader of the House must surely see that the UK economy is suffering from growth flattening, inflation above target and unemployment on the up—all as a result of the economic model adopted by the Chancellor and endorsed by the former Governor of the Bank of England, who was one of her advisers before the election, no less. Will the Leader of the House agree to a debate to discuss how printing money, raising taxes and adding more costs to businesses has driven up prices and damaged jobs? Will she accept that former Bank of England economists and Governors seem to have little clue about how the economy actually works, which is bad for Britain and bad for Canada?